Statements on the Occasion of the Blessed Birth of Imam Jawad (peace be upon him) and on the Eve of the Birth of Imam Ali (peace be upon him)

In the Name of God, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful. O God, guide our tongues with truth and wisdom and fill our hearts with knowledge and understanding.

I am very pleased with the gathering of you, dear brothers and sisters, who have come from distant places on the blessed birth of Imam Jawad (peace be upon him). I am also grateful to the dear people from other cities among you, especially the large group from Qazvin present here. We hope God will encompass all of you with His mercy and blessings.

Today, in the world of Islam, significant issues are unfolding that have plunged the hearts of many Muslims in various countries into sorrow. They grieve, they suffer, but they cannot speak out. Why? Because unfortunately, many of their country's leaders are complicit in this suffering of the Islamic nation and in destroying the hopes of the young generations in Islamic countries. One case is the plight of the oppressed Muslims of Palestine, and another concerns the defenseless Muslims of Bosnia-Herzegovina, particularly in the Bihac region. These are all pains. Do not look at our own country, where everyone—from the highest officials to the general public—freely expresses these pains, speaks out, and voices their concerns. Unfortunately, in other countries, people are not given the opportunity to at least express their sorrows regarding these great issues of the Islamic nation.

Look at the Arab countries; how many people are there whose hearts bleed over the issues related to compromise with the Zionist enemy, yet they cannot say anything. It is just like the time of the previous regime here when we could not speak against the Zionists. Our hearts bled then, but we could not say anything. I once spoke to students about the verses concerning the Children of Israel in the early parts of Surah Al-Baqarah. Later, during one of my detentions, I was interrogated and questioned for mentioning Israel! I had discussed the verses concerning the Children of Israel; they asked why I mentioned Israel! Even someone interpreting the Quran was not allowed to utter a word about the Children of Israel lest it offend the regime's wicked and treacherous ally, which at that time had warm relations with Israel! Today, in many Islamic countries, the situation is the same.

I am concerned about the Islamic Conference currently taking place in Morocco. I hope they do not gather the leaders of Islamic countries to deceitfully extract a statement in favor of the interests of the usurping Zionist regime and claim that Islamic countries have agreed on this! The leaders of Islamic countries participating in this conference should be vigilant. The enemy's infiltrators and traitors to the Islamic world may do their work. Of course, our trustworthy representative, the Foreign Minister, is there, and if they attempt to declare something as a consensus, he will firmly state our position. But truly, such dangers exist for the Islamic world. A conference in the name of Islam is held, but instead of addressing the pains of Muslims, they turn to the demands and pains of America and Israel and seek to remedy them! We hope this is not the case; God willing, it will not be.

Look at the Bihac issue! So many Muslims are being massacred, yet some sit and watch. If Islamic nations designated a day and on that day, governments and nations cooperated and merely declared their dissatisfaction with the situation in Europe and the positions of the Serbs and the enemies of Muslims in Bosnia-Herzegovina, this protest would resolve many issues. Yet, they refrain from even this action. What can Muslim nations do with such leaders? Do not look at Islamic Iran, where the country's officials lead the nation. It is not the same elsewhere. These are pains. However, today I want to present another point, a bright spot and a hope. This point is the position of the Iranian nation in the face of enemy propaganda and presence in sensitive positions. If the Iranian nation could be embodied as a person, it would be fitting for people like me to kiss this person's hand. This nation shows greatness in critical moments.

I am referring to the events surrounding the passing of the divine religious authority, the late Ayatollah Araki. God knows how many hundreds or even thousands of hours the enemies worked and collaborated to exploit this event for their hostile propaganda, and you, the nation, thwarted all these hostile and treacherous efforts with a timely and appropriate move. God knows what was going through my heart on the day of the funeral when I was among the crowd!

It is a place of admiration and appreciation for the pure souls who, with their presence, movement, and emotions, remove great global obstacles like 'scattered wool.' To truly understand the greatness of the actions the Iranian nation took during the passing of the late Ayatollah Araki, I will mention two or three points. Of course, there is a fundamental point I want to express at the end of my speech.

From the early days of the late Ayatollah Araki's illness, the enemies pursued several points in their propaganda. They wanted to create a mental atmosphere in this country with their propaganda and words. Do not underestimate these; enemy propaganda is very important. Do not look at how the Iranian nation acts contrary to whatever the enemies say. It is not like this in the world. Ordinary people in nations are influenced by radio broadcasts. They believe that a system can be overthrown with radio and a system can be brought to power with radio! They believe that with radio and propaganda, they can incite a nation against a good person and tear him apart, and they can bring an unworthy person to power! The world's propagandists have such faith in propaganda, language, radio, and television. Of course, they have understood this correctly; where there is no faith and awareness, it is indeed like this. They have done many things in the world through radio and television, but they have not been able to do anything in Iran because the people have been faithful.

In summary, during the early days of the late Ayatollah Araki's illness, they wanted to convey several points to the people. One point was to suggest that the religious authority no longer holds its usual status and position. The time has passed when the death of a religious authority would shake Iran; now, the religious authority is no longer that important. They repeatedly emphasized this point in their statements on foreign radios. They found a few ignorant or fugitive and infamous clerics around the world and labeled them 'Ayatollah'! They put microphones in front of them, put money in their hands, and they opened their mouths and said whatever they wanted. Who are they? Either ignorant people who have fled from God and Islam and turned their backs on the nation, or malicious and wicked individuals! They want to feed things to the people through their words. They ask: 'Sir! Does the religious authority still hold the same importance in Iran as before?' They reply: 'No, sir, the religious authority is over, and people no longer care about it,' and such words. They wanted to instill this point in people's minds. Their intention was to lower the status of the religious authority, which is a high and divine position with deep influence and impact on Muslims. Because they have been struck by the religious authority, they wanted to take revenge on the religious authority, not on a specific authority. This was one of the points that enemy propaganda pursued during the forty days of that great man's illness.

The second point they wanted to instill in people's minds was that 'there is no one left in Iran to assume the position of religious authority; those great scholars and strong roots are gone; Ayatollah Araki was the last of them, and it's over.' They wanted to instill this point and spoke extensively about it.

The third point was that they wanted to suggest that the Iranian nation has become disillusioned with the clergy and no longer cares about them. They wanted to say that in the past—in the early days of the revolution and before the revolution—the clergy were very dear to the people, but today the Iranian nation no longer pays attention to the clergy! They wanted to instill this point as well. These three points. Of course, they said other things, which I will refer to in some cases.

On the day of that great man's passing, Tehran was in turmoil; Iran was in turmoil. We had the news. Even though the body was in Tehran, wherever you went, you saw people gathered in mosques, major centers, and sacred places. That day, Tehran truly experienced an exceptional day. Those in Tehran were there and saw it; others saw it on television. Of course, let me tell you that the camera cannot show that reality. The reality was very great. I saw young people whose age was one-fifth or one-fourth of that great man's age, crying like spring clouds. Why were you young people crying? Why? What was the reason? You had never seen that 103-year-old man in your life. Until three or four years ago, you did not know him at all. Scholars, elders, and seminaries knew him; you did not know him. You had only known him for three or four years. Why were you crying like that? Why was Iran so agitated? Why were women beating their chests and crying like that? Why were grown men shedding tears and trying to reach the body and touch its procession? Why? What was and is the reason?

The reason was and is that the people of Iran still believe in the high and great position of the religious authority. The people of Iran love the clergy from the bottom of their hearts. Of course, not every cleric; the real clergy and scholars of religion. Not the cleric that the enemy wants to replace among the people. People detest him. But people love the real clergy. People believe that with Islam, they can achieve prosperity in this world and the hereafter. They have seen goodness from Islam. Islam has given them freedom and dignity. Islam has given this nation liberation from oppressors and corrupt regimes.

Ladies and gentlemen! Apart from the 2500 years of Iranian monarchy—which they claimed, and we have no accurate information about it; they themselves did not know and were just saying things—what happened in the last one or two centuries under the heavy and ominous shadow of the Pahlavi and Qajar kings exhausted the nation! Iran lost its historical greatness and dignity; it fell behind in science; it fell behind in civilization; it fell behind in politics; it fell behind in economics and lost its vital resources. People saw these from the monarchy. Who saved them? Who awakened them? That great cleric. People have seen the leadership and pioneering of the clergy. People love the real scholars of religion. Whenever there has been a real call for freedom in this country, its leader has been the clergy. This is history. A history not written by the clergy; a history written by the enemies of the clergy, but they have admitted this truth in it. In the funeral and mourning ceremonies of the late Ayatollah Araki, people showed this. Therefore, the enemy's propaganda was thwarted.

They propagated that there is no one left in Iran who is worthy of religious authority. People saw before their eyes that suddenly a list of worthy scholars for religious authority was published by the experts in the field. Those who can recognize and the seminaries are in their hands; they can say who is worthy of religious authority. Of course, the gentlemen only specified and introduced five or six people. They deemed it appropriate to mention five or six people; they cannot mention a hundred people. But let me tell you, today, if you go to the seminary in Qom, you can find more than a hundred people who can be listed and said these gentlemen are worthy of being followed. Contrary to what the enemy said, which suggested there is a power struggle over religious authority in Iran; there is no rush. It is said: 'The infidel thinks everyone is like himself'; they themselves are willing to trample on all sanctities to gain a small power in European countries, in America, and in other places run by material civilization—for example, to become the mayor of a certain state or city, or to gain a certain parliamentary seat. They are like this. I regret that you dear people do not have the opportunity to see some of the writings and information we deal with to know how low the level of the world is in terms of power-seeking and ambition. These very personalities you see in the world with neat and tidy appearances, dressed in suits, wearing ties, and appearing with artificial smiles in front of television cameras, have been willing to commit all possible crimes to gain this position! Most of them are like this.

I read a book about an incident in America; a completely documented and accurate book. This book reveals strange and shocking truths about how certain groups fought each other to assume a certain post. They think it is the same here; that religious authority is the same. No, sir, you are mistaken! There is no power struggle; there is no dispute. In the matter of religious authority, there are those who, despite their qualifications, do not mention themselves for thirty or forty years. After this period, they are remembered, approached, and persuaded; after persuasion, they issue a treatise. We have many like the late Ayatollah Araki. Today in Qom, there are those among this group who are worthy of religious authority; but if thousands of people go and try to bring them to the field, they say we will not come! Thanks be to God, such people exist today. There are those who consider themselves more knowledgeable than others, but they do not even utter it. Most jurists consider themselves more knowledgeable than others—of course, I do not say all; most are like this—but despite considering themselves more knowledgeable than others, they do not even utter it. They are like this. They are not willing to present themselves. They are not willing to come to the field.

After the passing of the late Ayatollah Boroujerdi, this great Imam whom you saw attracted the world's attention and whose fist had such capacity that it could hold humanity, did not issue a treatise and sat at home. No matter how much they insisted, he did not issue a treatise. I myself was among those who approached him. At that time, he would not respond and only said: There are other gentlemen. Until finally, a group went and persuaded him. His rulings were known; they compiled his treatise and published it. There are many like this. Today, in the corners of the seminaries, there are those among the elders who were worthy of being mentioned twenty or thirty years ago. But neither did they mention themselves, nor did they allow those who knew them to do so. Others did not know them. What power struggle?! Those around the suspicion of religious authority, the most they might do is print some of their treatises and keep them at home, so if someone inquires, they say: Sir, here is our treatise; take it and go. That is the most they do. They do not do more than this. The radios were filled with: Sir, there is a power struggle! What power struggle?!

Among the baseless and ridiculous things they wanted to promote in this propaganda was that most scholars and elders of the seminaries are opposed to the involvement of religion in politics; thus, they are opposed to the Islamic government and the Guardianship of the Islamic Jurist. Are these the majority? Please, this is the majority. These who issue statements, they are the majority; these who are mentioned today, they are the majority. Of course, there are also undesirable individuals in the clergy; we do not say there are none. There are undesirable individuals in the clergy, in the trades, in the universities, in the army, in various institutions; undesirable individuals are everywhere. In the clergy, there are those who have eaten the bread of Imam Mahdi, have eaten the salt of Imam Mahdi; but have broken the salt shaker of Imam Mahdi and opposed the path of Imam Mahdi. They exist; we do not say they do not. Foreign radios can go and interview them as much as they want. They are willing to curse all the sanctities of the Islamic Republic in ten volumes of books! Not that they do not exist; they do. But, firstly, they are very few and secondly, they are despised by the Iranian nation and revolutionary Muslims. Do you think those whom foreign radios and the arrogant powers have pinned their hopes on for religious authority, if they present themselves to the nation, the nation will leave them alone? The Iranian nation does not forgive traitors. It has not forgiven them until today, and it will not forgive traitors in the future.

I must mention one point. I ask dear brothers and sisters to listen to this matter without emotions. On the day in the Assembly of Experts, after the passing of Imam (may his soul be sanctified)—that first day when I was also a member of the Assembly of Experts—they discussed who to elect, and finally, my humble name was mentioned, and they agreed to elect this humble and weak being to this critical position, I opposed it; I seriously opposed it. Not that I wanted to be polite; no. He knows what was going through my heart at that moment. I went there and stood and said: Gentlemen! Wait, allow me. This is also recorded, it exists. Both its image and its sound exist. I began to argue that they should not elect me to this position. I said do not do it; no matter how much I insisted, they did not accept. No matter how much I argued, the gentlemen, the jurists, and scholars present there, responded. I was determined not to accept; but then I saw there was no choice. Why was there no choice? Because according to those I trust, this 'obligation' had become 'incumbent' upon me. Meaning if I did not take up this burden, it would remain on the ground. It was here that I said I accept. Why? Because I saw the burden would remain on the ground. To prevent the burden from remaining on the ground, I took it up. If there was someone else there, or I knew someone who could take up this burden and others would accept him, I certainly would not have accepted. Then I said: O Lord! I rely on You. God has helped until today. It was the same before that. I was elected to the presidency twice, and in both terms, I did not accept. The first term—when I had just come out of the hospital—friends said if you do not accept, this burden will remain on the ground; there is no one. I was compelled. The second term, Imam himself told me it is incumbent upon you. I went to him and said: Sir; I do not accept. I will not come to the field this time. He said: It is incumbent upon you. Meaning the obligation is not collective; it is specifically incumbent upon you; it is an individual obligation.

My dear ones! If it is an individual obligation, I will not shirk any burden. In the matter of religious authority, the situation is not like this. The burden will not remain on the ground. This matter is not dependent on an individual. Yes; the gentlemen gave a list and included my humble name in that list. But if they had asked me, I would have said do not do this. They did this without my knowledge. After their statement was issued, I found out; otherwise, I would not have allowed it. I even informed the television and said if the gentlemen do not mind, when you read their statement, do not read my name. Then they said it is not possible; it would be altering the statement. The gentlemen sat, held a session for several hours; it is not possible. I now tell you: Dear nation! My dear ones! Respected gentlemen and elders who sometimes send me messages from various places to issue a treatise! My current burden is very heavy. The burden of leadership of the Islamic Republic system and the immense worldly responsibilities is like the burden of several religious authorities. Know this. If you put several religious authorities together, their burden might be as heavy as this; it might be. Currently, there is no necessity. Yes; if, God forbid, the situation reached a point where I saw there was no choice, I would say it is fine. Despite all my weakness and poverty, by God's grace, if necessary—meaning if it is essential—I have no problem taking up ten burdens of this weight and placing them on my shoulders. But currently, it is not like that. Currently, there is no need. Thanks be to God, there are so many jurists. I mentioned Qom; there are others besides Qom. There are jurists, there are worthy individuals. What is the need to place the burden of religious authority on top of this heavy burden that God has placed on the frail shoulders of this humble and weak being? There is no need for this. So those who insist and say: Sir, issue a treatise, should understand that I refrain from accepting the burden of religious authority for this reason. Thanks be to God, the gentlemen are there, and there is no need for this. Of course, outside of Iran, the situation is different. I accept their burden. Why? Because if I do not take up that burden, it will be lost. On the day I feel that the gentlemen who are here today, thanks be to God, and whom I believe are sufficient—and we see that the necessary and even more than necessary capacity for bearing the responsibility exists in Qom today—can also bear the burden outside, then I will step aside again. Today, I accept the request of the Shiites outside Iran; because there is no choice. It is like those other places where we are compelled. But inside Iran, there is no need.

The sacred existence of Imam Mahdi (may our souls be sacrificed for him and may God hasten his reappearance) is himself the observer, protector, and guardian of the seminaries; the protector and supporter of the great scholars; the guide of the hearts of the authorities and the hearts of the people. We hope that God Almighty will make this stage a blessed stage for the Iranian nation.

Peace be upon you and God's mercy and blessings.