Statements in Meeting with Members of the Supreme Cultural Revolution Council

In the Name of God, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful

Dear brothers and respected sisters who have responded to this invitation and honored us with your presence; welcome and thank you very much. Today, perhaps the main point I wish to convey to the present assembly is, first of all, to express my gratitude for the efforts of the esteemed members over the past year, to thank you and to wish you well, and to emphasize the need to continue this effort in the future. God willing, according to the responsibilities that have recently been discussed and formulated, the work of this assembly should progress. Honestly, the secretariat and Dr. Kiannejad have put in a lot of effort. Secondly, I would like to point out the significance of this assembly; as I have heard questions raised about whether it is the place for general policies or some policies of the government.

Since the issue of culture is of utmost importance, it is appropriate for a group to sit down and discuss the cultural issues of the country, beyond the challenges and practical difficulties, just as we have a council for the economy. There are other councils for such matters in various areas. In my opinion, culture, compared to other sectors of society, deserves priority for those who are knowledgeable and thoughtful to genuinely and wisely examine the cultural issues of society. Therefore, there is no objection to the fact that even if general policies—including cultural policies—are formulated elsewhere, there should still be a place for policies that are close to implementation, or as Mr. Khatami described, the intermediary link between pure execution and general policies—this is a broad topic in itself.

Thus, the first point is that I truly insist that this assembly should work with a sense of responsibility. A few years ago—during the time of Imam Khomeini (may his soul be sanctified)—this question was raised, and the assembly and Imam Khomeini (may his soul be sanctified) concluded that this organization is necessary, even though our governmental cultural institutions are competent in their work. At that time, they were well-versed and were planning. There was the parliament, which legislated, and there was the government; however, it was felt that this assembly was also entirely necessary. I emphasize again that I believe this assembly can fill a significant gap in the realm of culture.

Secondly, although our governmental cultural sectors are responsible for a range of cultural work—such as universities and schools—truly, the issues of the country's culture are not limited to these sectors. If we feel that there is a need for public work in cultural areas; for instance, if it is felt that our society has become accustomed to certain disorderliness in its issues, and it is necessary to undertake a persistent and ongoing effort regarding this matter, the existence of such an assembly seems essential. I think I mentioned social discipline as an example in this session last year.

Well; in which of our sectors can this issue be raised and decided upon? Who is going to make decisions regarding this matter? The government, which consists of the executors of the country, is more preoccupied with executive issues than with these general matters, which particularly in executive tasks, have little tangible impact!

A center is needed to discuss these matters—spiritual and national characteristics, political and social traits, or behavioral characteristics—and to make decisions regarding them.

Not that we want to say that any work in the realm of public culture must come here to seek permission; no. Currently, the esteemed clergy and the country's propaganda institutions, which are not governmental but popular, are doing a lot of work in this area; they do not need to seek permission from anywhere to say this or that. However, if there truly exists a thoughtful and comprehensive institution that encompasses all characteristics and observes all deficiencies and needs, which can understand the gaps, then if it concludes that there is a moral deficiency in the country, it should see whether it is appropriate to recommend to the country's propaganda institutions—say to the Organization of Propaganda or to the institution sending missionaries in Qom—that it would be beneficial for missionaries to focus on this issue during this Ramadan, or in this year, or in this period of time; it would greatly benefit the country.

Have we ever experienced that this is unnecessary? Undoubtedly, such a thing is beneficial. It can certainly have many advantages, and no one is exempt from it.

In any case, in the realm of public culture and issues related to public culture, a place is needed that is responsible for understanding, discussing, making decisions, and communicating for execution—to its respective centers—and that is precisely the Supreme Cultural Revolution Council, and honestly, there is no substitute for it. This is one point I wanted to convey regarding the importance of the council.

Of course, it is repeatedly asked what our legal status is regarding the influence of these resolutions. Do they have the force of law? It has been previously stated that yes; we asked during the time of Imam Khomeini (may his soul be sanctified), and he said yes; this meaning was later confirmed by us that the resolutions of this council are binding and must be executed by the executive institutions wherever they are communicated. It cannot be said that now we make a decision, and later the parliament makes a decision. Yes; it is natural that this happens.

Of course, this is not a legislative body; we do not want to interpret it as legislation. Just as in the question posed to Imam, the term legislation was not mentioned; because the center of legislation in the constitution is one place, but it does not contradict that the resolutions here are binding in a specific domain and at a certain level, just as the resolutions of the government are binding within a certain scope. Of course, it is possible for a legislative body to come and enact a law contrary to this; what is the obstacle?

Firstly, it is possible for the government to issue a resolution today that is later contradicted by a law tomorrow. It cannot be said that the government should not issue resolutions at all, lest they be contradicted! Secondly, even the laws of the parliament itself—laws of this period at a certain interval—can be contradicted by another law. In my opinion, this cannot be raised as an objection. Of course, if it is truly examined and decided that it should be contradicted, then they should do so. There is the Islamic Consultative Assembly, and you can also be present and prove it; while government officials—some ministers, the esteemed president, and some other officials—are present in this council. Thus, this is also regarding the legal influence of the resolutions here and the attention of the institutions to it. Of course, all institutions must consider themselves obliged and act accordingly. I have been informed that some institutions do not take the resolutions here seriously! It is clear that they are in violation. Violations must be addressed; follow-up must be done, and they must be warned and obliged to give effect to what is communicated from here and to obey it as a mandatory command.

Another point that I thought to mention today—of course, I have mentioned this to some executive officials—is that the realm of culture—as you are aware—is a battlefield. The term "cultural invasion" is not specific to today. Of course, at times, the invasion manifests more in certain areas or intensifies.

Culture is a place of war. Different cultures are in confrontation with each other. Of course, if the owner of a culture—a collection that has a culture—can adapt their culture with other cultures, that is very good. It is also good to take some things. However, to some extent, it is both voluntary and involuntary. Anyone who studies history sees that the transfer of cultures from various parts of the world to others is not a result of decision-making; although Islam does not oppose this decision-making.

Islam completes the culture of society with all the good and virtues that exist in other cultures; however, different cultures in the world confront each other. This confrontation may be a natural characteristic of cultures. For instance, the materialistic culture naturally confronts the spiritual culture; and naturally—even if their custodians do not wish it—this is against that and vice versa. There are times when the discussion is not about the nature of two cultures, but rather the custodians and owners of a culture, for various reasons, strive to impose their culture over another culture; just as colonizers did during the colonial era, one of the first things they did was to introduce their culture into the region under colonial influence. This was calculated; not in the sense that their armies would come, stay for years, and culture would inevitably be transferred; no. They calculated for this.

Colonialism has been doing this since the 18th century, even before the French Revolution. Of course, Napoleon went to Egypt before these events and tried to engage with the Egyptians in a seemingly non-colonial manner; however, everything that is mentioned about the introduction of Western culture into the Arab world—especially Egypt—is attributed to the short period of one or two years that Napoleon was in Egypt! He brought a printing press there and began to spread the prevailing thoughts and concepts of France at that time in Egypt! This is the work of colonizers!

The British did the same in India. Colonizers did this in Africa and wherever they went! This is an inevitable matter that colonizers carried their culture into a colonial dominance—wherever they took control—hence these cultures have also become enduring. Today, in those places conquered by the British, British culture remains. After centuries, even the political structure of British governance and many other things still exist!

If at any time the powerful of the world and those who can do something observe that a part of a country's culture is obstructing them and opposing their interests, it is evident that they will engage in cultural opposition against that part! This type of opposition is not a matter of guns and security and political actions; rather, it is cultural opposition. Whoever has a more resonant voice, stronger reasoning and logic; especially more propaganda capabilities and experience in these areas will be the winner. This has been experienced in the world today.

You all have clearly observed that in the recent period when the socialist governments of Europe collapsed, the various propaganda of the West was very effective in accelerating and directing these actions that were taking place! In any case, sooner or later, this would have happened; however, they accelerated it. In our own country, this meaning also exists. Undoubtedly, today when the arrogant powers are aggrieved and harmed by the revolution, when they observe points in this revolution and in the culture of this people that either these points are the main source of their problems or constitute major parts of their issues, they will confront this revolution and this culture and work on the people! The faith of the people is of this kind—especially the faith of the youth generation—and some of our political concepts are also of this kind, which are very important to them.

Therefore, we are facing a real and organized invasion and war in the realm of culture. They enter through various means, in very artistic and good ways; it is not the case that they operate directly everywhere! It is not the case that everywhere they dress their analysis and statements in the garb of invasion! All their work is not through radios and political interpretations; they write books and articles, train people in educational environments, and transfer things!

In any case, if someone is sensitive to issues and realizes the matter of cultural invasion, they will observe numerous clear signs in this regard. I want to say that one of the issues that cannot be neglected in our country is the matter of cultural invasion. Of course, this invitation we make regarding cultural invasion can be understood and analyzed in another way; however, the truth of the matter is that today we cannot be inattentive to cultural issues in the country.

In our own minds, we think we are doing constructive work; we are building our country and do not pay attention to the fact that there are enemies who target our religion, independence, and even our national values—meaning non-religious values—with cultural tools! They target these with the same cultural tools that are propaganda tools—films, cinema, global news-making, and reasoning—and undermine its foundations within the country! In my opinion, if we want to advance our country towards the goals that have been taught and outlined, without paying attention to this point, it is neither feasible, nor wise, nor reasonable! This must be taken into account.

My expectation and request from the Supreme Cultural Revolution Council is to discuss the issue of cultural invasion. Study this topic. Of course, in a common manner, there are certainly issues related to cultural invasion that are currently being discussed; there is no doubt about that. For example, the discussion regarding the Islamicization of universities, in a common manner, is a discussion of cultural invasion; but you must discuss the primary and inherent aspects of the invasion itself! Is what I understand about cultural invasion truly correct or not? Let us debate this; if we see that it is correct, if we see that values, principles, foundations, and bases are under invasion, the main headquarters for confronting this invasion is here, and this place must not neglect this issue and this work. God willing, it must be pursued with seriousness.

Of course, I must confess that I am truly and wholeheartedly satisfied with the performance of the council; that is, this valuable assembly that you have gathered here, perhaps truly, with this weight and scientific significance, we do not have any other assembly in the country. I mean, we do not have an official assembly; perhaps there is an unofficial assembly that we do not know of. Truly, among official assemblies, with this scientific and cultural weight that this assembly has, there may be no other assembly. I am also pleased that we have this very important center. I am glad to hear and have been informed that some of the esteemed members are very eager to participate in discussions; I am very happy about this and thank these individuals.

Of course, I must request all brothers and sisters to pay attention to their presence in the session—both in quantity and quality. This session used to be held weekly; now it seems to be held every two weeks. Every two weeks is not a very long time, so that everyone is obliged to be present in every session—from beginning to end—and to participate in discussions; that is, their presence in the session should be active and positive in discussions. God willing, if this is the case, this session will reach its results. In addition, the things I saw in the report, the resolutions that have been made, have been good resolutions. The assemblies that have been formed—for certain purposes, such as the Islamicization of universities and some other things, or changes and reforms in structure that some have been specifically assigned to address this issue—are all positive and valuable, and I sincerely thank all the gentlemen.

Peace be upon you and God's mercy and blessings.