Statements in Meeting with Members of the Supreme Council of the Cultural Revolution

In the Name of God, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful

This is a very good, pleasant, and desirable meeting. Thanks be to God that this year, like previous years, we have the opportunity to meet with our dear members of the Supreme Council of the Cultural Revolution on the anniversary of its formation. This meeting is distinguished from others by the fact that, God willing, a new movement and a fresh chapter will practically begin in the work of this council.

We are also very grateful to Mr. Hashemi for his sweet and desirable remarks.

Before I present my intended points—which mainly relate to the future state of the council—it is necessary to reflect on the council's past. Whenever I look at the past of this Supreme Council, I see sincere work and effort. During the time I was present, I closely observed how the brothers working there examined issues with fervor and a sense of duty, despite the heavy workload and limited time of the council. Both the council and the secretariat exerted all their efforts. Even after I was no longer attending the council sessions and Mr. Hashemi was present as the council's president, there was truly no fault to be found in the overall work and movement of the council. Everyone worked with interest, enthusiasm, and a sense of duty.

At one point, I mentioned to Mr. Hashemi or Mr. Mirsalim that Mr. Hashemi's continuous presence in this council is a rare asset. Previously, he was not so committed to attending all the council sessions, but now he participates from the beginning of the sessions. Today, I specifically reviewed Mr. Mirsalim's report; he has precisely specified the hours of absence, indicating who was absent for how many hours and what percentage of the time. Truly, a lot of effort has been put in, and a lot of work has been done. Especially Mr. Hashemi has attended almost all the sessions, dedicating time, and the results are evident. These efforts and endeavors have enabled the Supreme Council of the Cultural Revolution to accomplish significant and major tasks, thanks be to God.

Therefore, I thank the dear brothers who have worked hard in the council over these years. God willing, they will continue these efforts in the future in the same manner. I especially thank Mr. Hashemi. He has truly dedicated time—as he himself stated, and I confirm—and has been very persistent in his efforts regarding the council's work, and God willing, it will always be this way, because the issue of culture is a very important matter.

I must particularly thank Mr. Mirsalim and the secretariat. Mr. Mirsalim himself knows that I truly consider him a cultural, understanding, sincere, and hardworking individual. His efforts as the secretary of this council are valuable, and the special attention I have given to the issue of the secretary and the secretariat in this writing is by no means an indication of any grievance I have with Mr. Mirsalim or the secretariat. However, he himself knows that I am sensitive to the issue of full-time or at least significant part-time engagement in these tasks. He has heard this from me before. I have repeatedly emphasized this issue in all sessions and in this very session of the Supreme Council.

The Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance is truly a large ministry and one of the busy and extensive ministries. I actually consider it inappropriate if he were to reduce his work at the ministry to dedicate time here, because the ministry's work is not a small task that one could reduce to focus here. If it were to be reduced here, it would also be very important. Of course, I do not expect the secretary to dedicate all his working time to this task; that is, alongside the secretariat, we can accept some work, but not a ministry of this magnitude. This recent view is from this perspective; otherwise, I am truly satisfied with Mr. Mirsalim and his work.

Now, since this is a private session and all of you, my dear brothers and sisters, are my close friends, meaning I have been close friends, companions, and colleagues with most of you, I do not want to be formal or leave anything unsaid. There should be no perception—as I have heard—that we have been insincere to him; no, there is absolutely no such thing. This means that I give importance to this work. This work is important. After this, the work of the secretariat will become even more important because this session has become a session of thirty-some individuals, all of whom are cultural elites of the country. That is, now the session is much larger and heavier compared to the past. As the saying goes, 'the abundance of structures indicates the abundance of meanings.' This abundance of structures and meanings also brings with it an abundance of expectations.

Naturally, there will be many expectations from this session regarding the cultural issue of the country, about which I will now express a few words concerning the matters that are considered in this new situation. From this perspective, I find it necessary for the secretariat to be truly active in this area. Its work should be managed like a ministry with direct and fully observant management, without other concerns or problems—like a ministry—administering it. This is from this perspective; otherwise, Mr. Mirsalim has always been our ally and colleague in various matters, especially in cultural issues.

Of course, I must also thank Dr. Hashemi, who established this secretariat and essentially initiated most of these tasks. He truly worked hard and put in a lot of effort during his tenure as the secretary of this council. Those who were present at that time know how valuable his efforts were. I sincerely thank him and, through Mr. Mirsalim, each member of the secretariat. God forbid that any inappropriate inference contrary to my view is drawn from this matter.

If I were to express in one word the reason for the new composition and its expansion, it is that in my mental valuation, I place great importance on cultural issues. I believe that the foundation of a country is its culture. The nationality of a nation is its culture. If we consider the distinction of nations and see what makes a nation a nation, we will find that more than attributing a nation to a government, a state, a political structure, and independence for being a nation, it can be attributed to its culture and the collection of what is called culture. Culture is very important. If we are pursuing independence, we must refer to culture and work on culture. If we are pursuing self-sufficiency and public welfare, if we are pursuing the religiosity of the people and a great Islamic civilization—which we must and indeed are—we must reflect, strive, pay attention, and invest specially in the issue of culture.

I have no objection to what we have done so far. Of course, perhaps in the early days of the revolution, we also committed some neglects and shortcomings. The one responsible for these neglects is none other than ourselves. If someone wants to find a culprit for the shortcomings in the early days of the revolution, I am certainly one of the culprits. However, I believe that the shortcomings and failures that have occurred so far are the natural consequence of the situation of our country, society, and revolution. We all truly worked with concern. Naturally, some things remain out of sight. A person gains experience and learns things over time.

In any case, what we understand and feel today that we must do is to consider the issue of culture in its entirety—which I will now explain a bit—as the primary issue of this country. If we can support and strengthen the culture of this country with solid and strong foundations and proper institutions that have the necessary efficiency, the work of this country will be set on the right track, and the progress of this country in all desired areas will be guaranteed. If we do not reform and pursue culture, it is highly likely that our plans will be incomplete; that is, we will strive and work for a while, but we cannot be hopeful for definitive results. Therefore, the issue of culture is very important.

In the face of the new composition that has now been formed—of course, some other brothers are also part of this group in the new composition and situation, who apparently have traveled—my emphasis is more on the fact that the culture we want to be guided and managed—that is, to manage the country's culture—must, in our management and guidance, prioritize Islamic and revolutionary issues. Faith and the Islamic and revolutionary movement and spirit must be considered as a spirit in all cultural decisions. This is the most obligatory issue.

If we want to think, discuss, and decide about universities, education, public culture issues, and media, the overall direction must be this; that is, the revolutionary inclination and Islamic movement is not something that can be guaranteed without proper, precise, and calculated management and guidance. Our people, thanks be to God, are Muslims. Islamic inclinations are strong in this country. There is no doubt about this. The atmosphere of the country, as far as I can see, is not weak in terms of attention and inclination towards spiritual matters; it is very good and perhaps, in some respects, getting stronger day by day. However, the cultural guidance of society is a necessity. If we do not manage, we cannot be sure that things will proceed well.

We have many cultural enemies; the fight against Islam and the revolution in a cultural manner is a serious matter. What we call cultural invasion is a real and true matter. Currently, our political beliefs are targeted by the cultural tools of the enemies. Our religious beliefs are targeted. The good habits of our nation are attacked and targeted. This work is done very precisely. In summary, what the revolution was founded upon—that is, the pure Islamic culture and revolutionary culture—is precisely under attack by the enemies.

Therefore, in such a situation, cultural management is necessary. In the expression I used in that writing, a truly central cultural headquarters is needed. People must sit and think. I do not want to repeat this expression too much so that some may think it is given a military tint; no. By no means is this intended. A concentration is intended. A centralized and guiding management is needed. This center must have a guiding and nourishing role concerning all responsible agencies in the cultural fields of the country. Correct thoughts and correct thinking should help and guide the correct cultural currents. Those who truly need guidance and support should be guided and supported. Where the enemy has planned, it should be understood and culturally remedied—not politically and, a fortiori, not police-wise.

If we want to do police or military work, we do not need this place. One does military work in its place. The formation of this center is so that we do not resort to police tools in remedying the enemies' work; we do not even resort to military and even political tools. Cultural tools should be considered. Today, there are many cultural forces in this country waiting for a signal to come to the field and work and strive. They are trees that need to be watered and bear cultural fruit. Of course, these works are being done. Cultural elements and many of you who are present here—personally or in your own institutions—are doing valuable work in this field; but if there is a centralized management and guidance in this field, the progress and reach of the work will be multiplied and much greater.

The point is that we want in the new organization, the revolutionary and Islamic currents and thoughts—which have been the basis of all positive and blessed transformations in this country and, God willing, must and will continue to be and are most attacked by the enemy—to be given additional attention and truly be planned and worked upon.

In the world, we are attacked as fundamentalists. Of course, the meaning of fundamentalist used in cultural expressions is not what we understand from the word fundamentalist. Fundamentalist means reactionary, backward, ignorant, and narrow-minded! This is the meaning of fundamentalist in their expressions. Without paying attention to the insulting aspect of this issue, we have a meaning of fundamentalism in mind that we take pride in. It is also correct. We say we adhere to our value principles. We truly accept Islamic principles and revolutionary principles. Yes, we are fundamentalists. In this sense, we are fundamentalists; not in the sense that the enemy wants to insult us.

I tell some friends in some responsibilities that our system is based on principles and is proud to have these principles and insists on preserving these principles. It is not intended to retreat from the field with these words and global insults. Therefore, in this sense, the entire system is fundamentalist; but some institutions must be especially more fundamentalist so that if other institutions—other than themselves—find deviation in the fundamental field, this institution should alert them.

I want to say that this center must be the most fundamentalist place. If we want to define and, as they say, delimit the situation of this work and this organization and its future, in my opinion, we must say this very word fundamentalist.

Of course, during these fifteen years, I have been continuously involved in executive work and am not far from the executive issue. I know the necessities that sometimes force a person to make a decision. If a person was not practical and, as Mr. Hashemi said, sometimes acted and was not always pursuing action, perhaps he would truly fly in the world of imagination and not pay attention to these realities. I am aware of that. Necessities are sometimes imposed on a person; there is no discussion; but overall, the basis of this organization's work must be based on principles and values. This is neither fanaticism, nor reactionism, nor extremism, nor comparable to actions that, for example, some unreasonable people might do in a corner. This work is based on thought and intellect.

You, who are members of this council, are all thinkers, all intellectuals, scholars, and specialists. All of you are believers in Islam and committed to these principles, and this group must insist on these principles. The basis of our work in the future of this council is this and will be this. Of course, this is not to say that it has been this way in the past. I do not want to say this at all; but the future course is this. That is, emphasis on this very issue concerning the cultural issue, which is also accepted by the present group, and I mentioned it at the beginning of my remarks.

The issue of culture is a very important issue. Firstly, the problem with cultural damages is that they are not quickly understood. That is, it is not like inflation that can be measured every day. It is not like economic backwardness or construction that, after four or five years, both its negative and positive aspects can be measured. Cultural issues have long-term effects; they are understood late. They are also difficult to remedy to the same extent. We have had many cultural damages in the past.

See, when we say culture, we mean culture in its general sense. The cultural revolution that took place in this country was a reality. Now, this council is the council of the cultural revolution. By culture, we do not mean the studied and written school culture. We mean culture in its general sense. Of course, it includes culture in the sense of science, education, university, school, and the like; but it also includes other arts and branches of culture. Our view is on all of these.

Culture includes literature, art, science, the habits and morals of society, the existing traditions of society, and includes national characteristics. Some nations become famous for certain characteristics. These are not inherent and related to climate; they are related to upbringing. Suppose now, especially when we look at Europeans, they are naturally risk-takers. Easterners are not as risk-taking as Westerners. They usually do risky things—I have many examples in this regard in mind—this is not something that if a country needed to be risk-taking at a stage, it could not create this in its nation; yes, it can be done with upbringing. The issue of social discipline and work conscience that I raised two or three years ago, these two social and moral characteristics are part of the country's culture.

Truly, our society has not learned discipline in the past. We have not been taught discipline. That is, a dictatorial, authoritarian, and monarchical government is not disciplined; it has its own special discipline. That discipline is actually against human discipline. If we want to create this in the country, it cannot be done by saying it once or twice, writing articles, and organizing seminars. This requires continuous work. Suppose the power of innovation and activating the power of innovation, courage, and bravery in expressing great works is not something that can be done in a nation with advice, recommendation, and saying and hearing once. These require practice.

Culture in its general sense is what I have in mind. In my opinion, nothing other than cultural reform can solve the problems of this country. We need a cultural correction. The first step is for an observant and alert center to look and see what the cultural problems of society are. It should not pay attention to short-term problems. For example, suppose—as an example—I say our mind goes to the problems of the youth; of course, the problems of the youth are often part of cultural categories and are actually part of the visible and urgent categories; they are not part of long-term tasks. The morals of society are far more important than, for example, thinking about the leisure time of the youth or filling their leisure time. I mean that in the field of cultural issues, a broad view must be considered, and all of these must be pursued with sensitivity.

In any case, what is intended is that there should be a center that looks at the issues, problems, and cultural dilemmas of society—whether related to universities, schools, official cultural and scientific government agencies, or the broader circle related to the country's public culture—and identifies cultural priorities at specific times.

One of the tasks I want to tell this group and request is that sometimes, in a specific period, in addition to the long-term tasks being carried out, it is felt that a specific task and cultural priorities are needed that may be announced to the relevant agencies, and they feel that they should plan based on that; media and some other agencies should also work. Suppose during the war, we needed certain things culturally. Of course, in my opinion, at that time, the person responsible for all these tasks was Imam (may his soul be sanctified), who truly, in every situation, spread what he felt was among the priorities and necessities of society among the people, and in fact, he called for it, and it was answered and had many effects.

If we want this task, which is intended, to be carried out in this organization and—in my expression—in this central headquarters, in my opinion, we must gather the small and detailed tasks from the hands and feet of this organization. A group of greats like the president, the heads of the three branches, and important officials sit to review various long statutes for some places and approve them. In my opinion, this is not something that is very defensible. Of course, I do not want to remove anything from your responsibilities; that is up to the council itself. You may transfer some things to its subgroups, considering that now the council's population is large.

One of our problems at that time—certainly after the time I was there, this problem existed—was that because the number was small, the tasks that the group itself had to perform faced problems. That is, the number of sub-group members was not enough to transfer tasks from the council itself to them, and they accept and perform them. We, for example, were forced to refer multiple tasks to a few specific people. Thanks be to God, now it is not like that; there are many individuals, and all can be involved in the council's issues; especially those gentlemen who are members here with their real status, not with their legal and titular status. Naturally, they may have fewer jobs; their occupations allow them to accept tasks.

In summary, gather the small tasks from the hands and feet of the council. Present the fundamental tasks and seriously address them. Truly reach a point where it is concluded. Previously, there was talk with Mr. Hashemi about these issues. He said, for example, issues related to universities and the like reach a point where they are concluded. Issues related to public culture are also discussed a lot, but they often do not reach a point where they can be concluded and a definitive decision made. They are drawn-out issues; their nature is also like this.

Truly, in this new group, the topics should be presented in a defined and precisely demarcated manner and reach practical results, and these results should be communicated to those who must implement them, and it should not be that the Supreme Council of the Cultural Revolution makes a decision in an area, while this decision remains suspended in practice and cannot proceed.

Regarding educational centers, a point comes to my mind. Of course, educational centers, especially universities, have been addressed a lot in the Supreme Council. During our time, it was the same; they were addressed a lot; but this point is in the field of higher education issues. Regarding educational centers, including higher education, which is beyond what is initially discussed and discussed; suppose regarding universities, establishing a university, forming a faculty, adding courses, specifying the hours of specific courses in each period, adding higher units, master's and doctoral programs, and the like, are among the important issues of educational institutions and higher education centers and are discussed; but I say that the expansion of universities—both in terms of quantity and scientific quality—is not the whole issue of educational institutions and centers.

That is, when we had, suppose, one hundred and fifty or two hundred thousand students, our university and student issues were certain things; now that we have one million one hundred or two hundred thousand students, new issues are presented to us in the field of moral, value, mental, and intellectual quality of students. That is, instead of a one-million community, in the near future, we may have a two-million and three-million population that we are forced to think about their moral and political issues and even about their intellectual formation and beliefs and marriage. These are issues that must be thought about.

The point is that if we think and discuss the issues of educational centers in this council, it can be things beyond the faculty, professor, president, and forming a new center. Similar to the issues I mentioned. Of course, these are also very important issues.

Another point I must mention. See, as was said in the issue of a nation's culture—of course, all gentlemen are aware—cultural problems are difficult to remedy. If a cultural damage truly occurs in a country, it is not something that can be easily done; it takes years and requires a lot of effort. An exceptional opportunity came to this country and this nation, and that was the revolution. That is, the revolution truly provided a golden opportunity for this nation to correct its cultural problems; that is, in fact, great cultural shifts, severe shakes, and cultural earthquakes occurred and moved many things. This is what I referred to at the beginning of the talk, that we may have shortcomings in the early days of the revolution, referring to this meaning.

Perhaps at that time, if the opportunity allowed and we could think properly about the issues and work with planning, those opportunities would have been greatly used to solve the intellectual problems created over centuries in this country. Those opportunities were taken from us. But now there is still an opportunity; that is, fortunately, the revolutionary spirit and readiness still exist in this country, and we hope it will always exist. The aforementioned spirit and readiness exist; although not with the strength and power of the early revolution. Now, in my opinion, this opportunity should also be used, and those cultural and moral reforms should be carried out for this country, and this is a task that you are the center of. I hope, God willing, you can carry out these tasks well.

Of course, I have not thought about the matter raised by Mr. Yazdi. That is, I cannot say anything offhand now. It is subject to review. What generally comes to my mind are two points: one is that at that time, we wrote to Imam (may his soul be sanctified) to arrange for the resolutions here to be guaranteed. He said the resolutions of this council must be implemented—a similar expression—he did not use the term law; that is, he was committed that we would not actually want to establish a legislative center in this sense.

One of the attendees: Imam said that it should be acted upon.

The Supreme Leader: Yes, it should be acted upon; this is it. That is, it must be implemented. His expression was such. He did not use the term law and did not establish it as a legislative center. Just as the Expediency Discernment Council is not a legislative center in this sense. Naturally, the Islamic Consultative Assembly is the legislative center; but the resolutions here must be implemented. Now, arrangements must be made so that what was intended by his noble view—which we also think is good—is that we can do something so that what is approved here is definitely implemented. It should not be that a group of thoughtful individuals with cultural, intellectual, and social status sit here and make a decision, and then suddenly, for example, the parliament, in the margin of a resolution, nullifies all that this group has sat, thought, and worked on! This is not advisable.

Sometimes a resolution is brought to the parliament by a department that refers to something in a corner that completely nullifies all that this group has sat, thought, and worked on. This should not be. We do not want this. Of course, this needs to be studied.

The second point was that I always think this council, the parliament, and the government should complement each other. Decisions are also made in the government; but the Supreme Council of the Cultural Revolution never feels conflict and contention with the government—it is not intended—because government members are present. In the new council, several gentlemen—the heads of the commissions—who are in the parliament are present. There should be no feeling of conflict, and they should complement each other. They should plan the tasks in such a way that the existence of this group and its decision is definitely effective, and there is no conflict between the resolutions here and the resolutions of the parliament. Now, how will its arrangement be, as Mr. Hashemi said, of course, it should be reviewed; a specific boundary should be set for this. You can bring some of the council's resolutions with the council's approval for me to confirm. Of course, in cases where the resolutions are truly important, which you think are important in terms of the subject's importance or the importance of the work, it is advisable—not as a general procedure—you can decide in cases where you truly want something to be definitely implemented and followed. If you want and deem it necessary, we have no objection or issue. God willing, you will be successful and supported. May God help you and us to fulfill these important duties.

Peace be upon you and God's mercy and blessings