Statements in Meeting with System Officials

In the Name of God, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful

Thanks be to God, the Lord of the worlds, and peace and blessings be upon our master and prophet, Abu al-Qasim al-Mustafa Muhammad, and upon his pure and chosen progeny, especially the remainder of God on the earth.

O God, guide our tongues to truth and wisdom.

One of the recurring themes in the supplications of the blessed month of Ramadan is the reminder of the realms after worldly life; the reminder of death, the grave, the Day of Resurrection, and the tribulations of humanity during the reckoning and divine questioning. This is a significant topic for us who occupy positions of responsibility; the awareness of these realms serves as a controlling and vigilant factor for humanity. To know that "not even an atom's weight escapes Him"; a small movement, a slight stillness, a minor action, a small word is not outside the scope of the reckoning after death and we will be questioned about it; this greatly influences our behavior, our speech, and our actions.

In the noble supplication of Abu Hamzeh, we read: "O God, have mercy on me swiftly on the bed as my loved ones turn me"; this state comes to everyone, and many have perhaps witnessed this state of agony and the moments close to death in others; in those moments, we have no control over ourselves; no one is closer to us than God. "And We are closer to him than you, but you do not perceive"; no one can save us in that state from the abyss before us except for righteous deeds and divine grace. We say in this supplication, "O God, have mercy on me"; there, have mercy on us. "And bestow upon me a favor as I am washed by my righteous companions"; when after our death we are washed, may the Almighty God, in that state, encompass us with His mercy and grace. We are helplessly in the hands of those who wash us; this applies to each and every one of us; none of us is free from this state; it will happen to all of us. Remember that moment.

"And have mercy on me as I am carried, my relatives taking the corners of my coffin"; they lift us, carry us on their shoulders, and take us to our eternal resting place. "And bestow upon me as I descend alone into my grave"; we will be lowered into the grave. This reminder should not be forgotten; it must be before our eyes. The recommendation to visit cemeteries, to pay respects to the deceased, has this reason and purpose. Some dislike being reminded of death; no, this is a remedy, this is a cure; it is a treatment for our selfishness, for our heedlessness, for our desires. In another part of the noble supplication of Abu Hamzeh, we read: "O my God, have mercy on me when my argument is cut off and my tongue falters in response to You, and I am bewildered at Your questioning of me"; when we are at a loss in the face of divine questioning, our reasoning comes to an end; it is not like here where we can mislead the other party with their ignorance, their heedlessness, their emotions, away from reality. There, everything is clear to the one who questions us. We must remember that moment. In another passage: "I weep for my emergence from my grave naked - read this supplication attentively during the nights of Ramadan - humiliated, carrying my burden on my back, looking once to my right and once to my left while the creatures are preoccupied with their own affairs"; everyone is concerned with themselves; no one will assist me there.

"For every person among them, that Day will be a matter which will occupy them. Some faces, that Day, will be radiant, laughing and rejoicing"; the believers, the pious, those who were vigilant over themselves and did not stray from the path of truth and justice and fulfilling divine obligations, are the embodiment of this phrase: "Some faces, that Day, will be radiant, laughing and rejoicing"; their faces are bright, smiling, shining, some are like this. "And some faces, that Day, will have dust upon them, covered by gloom". The verse of the Quran ends here; in the supplication, this word is also added: "and humiliation". Of course, this is not the only theme; the supplications of the month of Ramadan, like all other supplications, draw us towards that delicate, pleasant source of divine mercy.

This month is the month of humility, the month of seeking forgiveness, the month of piety, the month of returning to God, the month of self-building, the month of ethics. In the last Friday sermon of the month of Sha'ban, there are passages that indicate that this month is not only a month of worship but also a month of ethics; the acquisition of moral virtues, applying moral virtues. These are the things we must pay attention to in this month.

In this very sensitive and important session, I have three topics in mind to present. One is the issue of the economy, which was mentioned by our esteemed President, and he made good statements and provided good statistics; I have a perspective on this matter that I will present. One is the nuclear issue, which today is the focus of much of our efforts, both external and even internal; I have some opinions that I need to express, and if time permits, I will also touch upon regional issues.

Regarding the economy, I present this matter: the month of Ramadan is the month of piety; what is piety? Piety is that state of constant vigilance that prevents a person from straying and keeps the thorns of sin from entangling them. Piety is, in fact, a shield, an armor on the body of the pious person that protects them from the harmful arrows and fatal spiritual blows; of course, it is not only about spiritual matters. "And whoever fears God, He will make for him a way out * and will provide for him from where he does not expect"; in worldly matters, piety also has very important effects, this is personal piety. The same issue can be raised regarding a society and a country. What is the piety of a country? What is the piety of a society? A society, especially if it has lofty and high ideals like the Islamic Republic, is under attack; it is under the assault of harmful arrows; this also requires piety. What is the piety of society? In various sectors, social piety can be defined; in the economic sector, social piety is represented by resilient economy. If we want to withstand the shocks arising from global events or the harmful arrows of opposing global policies without being harmed, we must resort to a resilient economy. A resilient economy is a factor of strength against those who use all their economic, political, media, and security capacities to strike this nation, this country, and this system. One of the ways they have currently found is to infiltrate through the economy. We have raised this warning for years and have said it; officials have also made good efforts according to their capabilities, but we must pursue the issue of resilient economy with all our strength and capacity; this becomes our social piety in the economic matter.

This model, of course, is not exclusive to us; some other countries have also predicted and chosen the model of resilient economy for themselves, and they have seen its effects. The focal point of a resilient economy is internal reliance alongside external engagement. Internal reliance should not be interpreted as isolationism; internal reliance is with a view to the outside and with an inclination towards the outside world, but relying on internal capabilities and capacities, which I will elaborate on shortly; I have previously said much on this matter.

The policies of resilient economy that have been formulated and communicated are not arbitrary or based on personal opinion; they are the product of collective wisdom; they are the result of long consultations. After the resilient economy was communicated with these characteristics and was discussed in the media, friends and colleagues in the esteemed government began activities in this regard and repeated it, and it was confirmed by many economic experts; they relied on it, and this term "resilient economy" entered the common economic culture of the country and has found a place in the economic literature of the country. This indicates the correctness and strength of this path.

A resilient economy is in contrast to the old model dictated by the powers for so-called developing countries or the so-called third world. They dictated a model that if third world countries want to achieve economic growth, economic prosperity, and reach the level of the global economy, they must follow this model, which primarily relies on looking outward with its details. This resilient economy is the opposite of that; it is a model that is completely contrary to what was emphasized and repeated in that old model; even now, some people still mention and recall it. [In resilient economy] reliance is on internal capacities. Some may think that this model is a desirable model, but they may doubt its feasibility. I firmly state that this model is a feasible model in our country; the model of resilient economy is entirely achievable under the current conditions of the country.

The capacities we have for this work are numerous unused capacities; one is human capital; that is, the educated youth with expertise and self-confidence in our country are abundant, and this is one of the blessings of the Islamic Revolution. Of course, if misguided policies do not lead our society towards aging. Currently, a significant portion of the country's workforce is between twenty and forty years old; with good education, with good mental and intellectual readiness, with high spirits, with self-confidence. Today, we have ten million university graduates, more than four million students currently studying, which is about 25 times that of the early revolution. From the beginning of the revolution until now, the population of the country has doubled, and the student population has increased 25 times; this is one of the honors of the Islamic Revolution; this is human capital; this is a very great opportunity.

Another capacity is the economic position of our country. According to global official statistics, the Islamic Republic ranks twentieth in the world economy; we are in the twentieth position and have the necessary capacity to reach the twelfth position; because there are still many unused capacities in the country; we have natural resources, we have oil, we are first in the world in oil and gas; our total oil and gas is more than all the countries in the world; we also have many other abundant mines.

Another capacity is the excellent geographical position of our country; in the geography of the region and the world, we are the point of connection between the north and south and east and west, which is of extraordinary importance for transit, for transporting energy and goods, and so on.

Another capacity is neighboring fifteen countries with a population of 370 million; that is, a market at hand, without the need to traverse long distances.

Another capacity is the internal market of seventy million; if we can make this internal market flexible towards national production and domestic production, the production situation will change.

Another capacity is the existence of essential infrastructures in energy, in rail, road, and air transport, in communications, in commercial centers, in power plants, in dams; these are infrastructures that have been created over the years with the efforts of governments and the help of the people and are now at our disposal.

In addition to all these, there are accumulated management experiences [which] have helped us achieve growth in non-oil exports in recent years; just as the esteemed President provided the statistics for the year 1393, and in previous years, the growth of non-oil exports in the country has been noticeable, which is a model.

These capacities exist in the country, and of course, these are part of the capacities. Experts who sit with us and talk and sometimes write reports for me provide a long list of existing capacities that can be beneficial for the economy of the country, and all of this is correct; we must utilize these capacities.

The current issue of our country is not that we lack plans, we lack correct ideas; our issue is that we do not pursue the correct ideas and plans as we should; this is the essence of the matter. In elite environments, this meaning is also repeated that the problem of the Islamic Republic is not the lack of correct ideas; many correct ideas are expressed; the problem is that we must pursue these correct ideas in practice in such a way that we achieve their results; we must see the results clearly and visibly.

Well, there are challenges; these challenges create friction; friction causes wear and tear, creates problems. These challenges must be addressed.

One of the challenges is our internal challenges: looking at the issue simply and superficially; being content with some of the actions we take and not understanding the depth of the issue.

Verbal discussions and intellectual gatherings do not advance the work; action and movement are necessary. Negligence in action is our major challenge. Sometimes conclusions and inferences are not short-term; they are long-term, and this discourages some people. This is one of the challenges. Major works may sometimes take a generation to achieve; we must pursue them, we must move forward. There are many works that if we had started them ten years ago, fifteen years ago, we would have reached results today. There are many works that we started ten years ago, fifteen years ago, and today we see their results. The day when discussions were held in various universities about the scientific movement in the country, it was said in various gatherings, no one imagined that this scientific movement that has emerged in these ten to fifteen years would come to fruition, but it did; our professors, our scientists, our universities, our talented youth made efforts. Today, compared to twelve or thirteen years ago, we have made significant scientific progress and have remarkable and sometimes astonishing advancements in some areas. If we start work today, we will reap the results in fifteen or twenty years.

One of our challenges is the parallel and easy paths that are lethal; this is one of our challenges. I do not forget the time of my presidency - this is a discussion from 25 years ago - for importing a necessary commodity for society, which we painstakingly obtained from Europeans, the Africans had the same commodity, they had good quality, but the friends in charge were not ready. It was recommended, emphasized, we sat in a session, they confirmed it, but it was difficult; working with Europe was easier. The parallel easy path, but at the same time harmful, weakens our friends and strengthens our enemies and places the control of a matter in the hands of those who are secretly hostile to us.

One of the challenges is that someone may think that if we abandon our ideological foundations, the ideological foundations of the Islamic Republic, the paths will open and the closed doors will be opened, which is a very big and fundamental mistake. Of course, our brothers in the serving government act with conviction; they are truly committed to the revolution, committed to the principles of the revolution; we have no complaints about them, but among the overall decision-makers, there are those who think that if we compromise on some of our principles and foundations, many of the closed doors will open to us; whereas this is not the case; this is a big mistake, and we have seen the results of this mistake in some other countries - which I do not want to name - in recent years. The path to progress is steadfastness; it is adherence to principles.

One of the challenges is that someone may think that the people cannot endure; no, the people have endured the problems. If the realities are properly explained to the people, with the necessary honesty, our people are loyal; they stand firm, they resist.

One of the challenges is doubt in internal capabilities; [that is,] not trusting our knowledgeable youth, not trusting the popular and non-governmental groups in economic matters, is one of the challenges. We must trust, we must involve the people in the great economic movement of the country.

Ultimately, what we need to do regarding the issues related to the resilient economy is a firm resolve; we must seriously pursue the realization of the resilient economy in the true sense of the word; [also] avoiding negligence, avoiding complacency, and relying on jihadist management; the jihadist management that I mentioned last year and emphasized that this is not just for this year, it is for always; we need jihadist management. In the early years of the revolution, during the war, and throughout these thirty-some years, wherever we relied on jihadist management, we succeeded. Jihadist management may sometimes have its shortcomings, but it will progress and advance the work. Relying on divine power, trusting in the Almighty God, conducting work with wisdom and rationality, but with firm resolve, without doubt and without fear of the consequences; this is jihadist management. Of course, the continuous promotion of a culture compatible with the resilient economy is also necessary; everyone, both the media and the officials of the press and media, the government officials, the legislative officials, the Friday prayer leaders across the country, and anyone who has a platform and can speak to the people, must promote the culture compatible with the resilient economy, including saving and consuming domestic products. Of course, regarding saving and also regarding consuming domestic products, the main address is to the officials of the country, because one of the most important consumers of the country is the government itself; the government must insist and consider itself obliged and committed to use domestic products; even with some leniency; it is not a problem. Sometimes they say that a certain product does not have the quality of foreign products; it does not matter; if we want it to gain quality, we must help it. If we help, its quality will also improve, otherwise, it will decline day by day. Serious confrontation with illogical imports is one of the necessary tasks; serious confrontation with smuggling is one of the necessary tasks; addressing small and medium production workshops - which I emphasized at the beginning of this year - is one of the very necessary tasks; revising monetary policies and the activities of the banking system of the country, which I also mentioned at the beginning of the year, and experts and well-wishers have important things to say in this regard that must be heard and considered. These are the tasks we must undertake.

Of course, the main condition for achieving these is the same unity and coherence that the esteemed President mentioned; we must support the government, we must support the officials, because they are in the middle of the field. We must avoid unnecessary conflicts and marginalizations; marginalization from any side is unacceptable and undesirable. Everyone should help, and this great movement, God willing, will reach its result. This is our statement regarding economic issues. I believe that we can accomplish great things in the field of the economy and hope that, God willing, we will pass through this difficult passage.

Regarding the nuclear issue, I will initially present three points and then convey the matters I have in this regard.

The first point is that what I say here in this session or in public sessions is exactly the same as what I say in private sessions to the officials, to the esteemed President, and to others. The propaganda line that we have seen and see being pursued, that some of the red lines that are officially announced are disregarded in private sessions, is a false and untrue statement. What we say here or in public sessions is exactly the same as what we express to friends, to officials, to the negotiating team; the words are the same.

The second point is that I consider the negotiating team - these friends who have taken on this burden during this time - to be trustworthy, zealous, courageous, and religious; everyone should know this. Most of those present here are not aware of the content of the negotiations; if you were aware of the content of the negotiations and the details of the negotiations and what takes place in the sessions, you would certainly acknowledge part of what I have said. Of course, in addition to this, I know some of these friends closely, and some I know from afar with their backgrounds; they are religious and trustworthy people; they are trustworthy; their intention is to advance the country’s affairs, to open the knots, and they are striving for this work. They truly have national zeal, they have courage, and they express their positions with complete courage and precision in the face of a large number of people - whom I do not want to use a fitting expression for, because sometimes there are expressions that are truly deserving of that expression, but it is not appropriate to say them - and they express their positions with complete courage and precision.

The third point concerns the respected critics. I am not opposed to criticism; it is not a problem, criticism is necessary and helpful, but everyone should keep in mind that criticizing is easier than acting. We easily see the faults of the other side in the arena they are in, while we do not see their dangers, their difficulties, their worries, their problems. It is like you are standing next to a swimming pool, watching; someone has gone up to a height, wanting to dive from ten meters. Well, they dive, and you standing next to the pool say, "Ah! Their foot bent, their knee bent; this is a flaw." Yes, this is a flaw, but you should make the effort to go up to that height, take a look at the water from that ten-meter height, and then judge! Criticizing is easy. [Of course] my words should not prevent criticism; criticize, but keep in mind that criticisms should consider that the other side may be aware of some of the flaws we mention in our criticism, but they have reached this conclusion or circumstances have led them here for some other reason. Of course, I do not want to say that they are infallible; no, they are not infallible; a person may make mistakes in judgment or action at times, but what is important is that we believe in their trustworthiness, their piety, their zeal, and their courage. These are the three necessary points I mentioned in the introduction of my remarks.

I would like to provide a brief history of these negotiations. These negotiations are, in fact, beyond our negotiations with the P5+1; they are negotiations with the Americans. The Americans were the ones who demanded these negotiations. This dates back to the time of the tenth government. Before this government came, these negotiations began. They requested it, an intermediary was appointed, and one of the respected figures of the region came here to meet with me, saying that the President of the United States had contacted him and requested that we want to resolve the nuclear issue with Iran and also lift the sanctions. Two fundamental points were present in his words: one was that he said we will recognize Iran as a nuclear power; the second was that he said we will gradually lift the sanctions within six months. Come and sit down to negotiate, and this work will be done. I told that respected intermediary that we do not trust the Americans; their words are not trustworthy. He said, "Now try it;" we said, "Very well, we will try it this time too." This is how the negotiations began.

I want to point out something for the attention of the officials, and everyone should pay attention: in global rivalries, the logic of global rivalry requires that we consider two arenas. One arena is the arena of reality and action; one arena is the arena of reality and action, which is the main arena. In the arena of reality and in the arena of action, a responsible person who is pursuing activity creates assets in the arena of action, produces; this is one arena. One arena is the arena of diplomacy and politics, which converts assets in this arena of diplomacy and politics and negotiation into advantages for the country, converting them into national benefits. If in the first arena a person is empty-handed, in the second arena, nothing can be done; one must have achievements in the first arena - that is, the arena of action, the arena of reality, on the ground - to have assets.

The day we entered these negotiations, we had acceptable and significant achievements; we felt we were entering with a strong hand. Our achievements that day included the fact that while all the nuclear powers of the world refused to provide us with twenty percent fuel for the Tehran research center - which we needed for nuclear medicines - we were able to produce twenty percent fuel ourselves under sanctions, [then] convert this twenty percent fuel into fuel plates and use it. The other side was stunned! It has a lengthy story; many of you are probably aware of it; during long negotiations, they refused to sell us [twenty percent] fuel - that is, to sell it - or allow anyone else to sell it to us. We said we will produce it domestically; our youth, our scientists, this hopeful and self-reliant hardworking class, were able to dazzle the other side; they produced twenty percent fuel. And you know, I may have mentioned this once again, in the nuclear enrichment movement, the crucial and difficult part is the transition from three percent and four percent to twenty percent; from twenty percent to ninety percent is a very simple movement. When someone reaches twenty percent, the subsequent stages are very easy. The difficult and important part is this section from 3.5 percent to twenty percent. Our youth traversed this difficult path and produced twenty percent fuel and produced fuel plates; this was one of our achievements. We entered the negotiations with this spirit. The strategy of steadfastness and resilience against pressures worked. The Americans acknowledged that sanctions have no effect, as they pointed out; this is entirely a correct analysis. The Americans reached the conclusion that sanctions no longer have their desired effect. They were looking for another way - time is running out; I must present my points quickly - they realized that we can achieve advanced technology without dependency; we also relied on this logic and entered the negotiations.

Of course, we did not lose caution. From the beginning, our view of the negotiators and the American side was one of suspicion. Based on our experiences, we did not trust them, so we entered with caution from the outset. Our view was that if they stood by their words, then there is no problem; we were willing to pay costs, meaning we do not believe that in a negotiation no costs should be paid, no retreat should be made regarding some topics; no, we were willing to pay reasonable, logical, and rational costs; however, we were looking for a good agreement. I want to state this here: we also say good agreement, the Americans also say good agreement; however, when we say good agreement, we mean a fair and just agreement; when they say good agreement, they mean a totalitarian agreement. A little progress had been made in the negotiations when the demands of the gentlemen began to escalate; every day there was a new demand, a new excuse; six months turned into a year, it prolonged, the negotiations took various forms, bargaining and excessive demands prolonged the negotiations, they threatened, threatened with more sanctions, even threatened with military action; these threats were made; on the table and under the table, and you have heard these words.

This behavior of these gentlemen has continued to this day.

Anyone who studies the progression of the American demands during this period and observes the nature of their words will reach this conclusion; one of the two fundamental points is this: their goal is to eradicate and eliminate the nuclear industry in the country; this is their goal, they are pursuing this; their intention is to destroy the nuclear nature of the country; even if there is now a name, a meaningless label, a caricature, they intend not to allow this nuclear movement of the country, the nuclear industry of a country with the goals that the Islamic Republic has, to be realized. We announced that by a certain deadline, we must have twenty thousand megawatts of nuclear power; this is a necessity for the country; twenty thousand megawatts of nuclear power is an essential need for the country; this is calculated by the calculating devices of the country, which of course has many other benefits and meets many other needs; they do not want this to happen. Of course, while they want to destroy this industry, they also want to maintain pressure, they do not intend to completely lift the sanctions - as you can see - they threaten that we will impose more sanctions. This is one point.

The second point is that our counterpart, namely the current government and management of the United States, needs this agreement; this is another side of the issue; they need this; it would be a great victory for them if they could achieve their goal here. This is, in fact, a victory over the Islamic Revolution; a victory over a nation that claims independence; a victory over a country that can be a model for other countries; the management apparatus of America is in need of this [agreement]. All the bickering and bargaining and betrayals that the gentlemen engage in revolve around these two issues.

From the beginning, we entered logically, we spoke logically, we did not make excessive demands; we said the other side has imposed an unjust sanction, we want this sanction to be lifted; very well, this is a give-and-take, we have no objection to giving something and taking something in order for the sanctions to be lifted; however, the nuclear industry must not be halted, it must not be harmed; this was our first statement; we have said this from the beginning and pursued it until today.

The important red lines that have existed are these that I will mention. We have mentioned some things as main points; the most important of them are these; of course, there are other things as well.

One is that they insist on long-term limitations; we said we do not accept limitations of ten years and twelve years and the like; ten years is a lifetime; all that we have achieved in this period has taken about ten years! Yes, the history of nuclear activity in the country is more than this, which is sometimes mentioned in some statements, but in those early years, essentially no significant work was done; the main and fundamental work has been in the last ten to fifteen years. We do not accept a ten-year limitation; we have told the negotiating team how many years of limitation we accept, but we have said that the number of years of limitation they mention, ten years and twelve years, we do not accept.

Even during the period of limitation that we accept, research and development and construction must continue, which is also one of the red lines that the esteemed officials have emphasized; they said we are not willing to abandon research and development; they are right. During these years of limitation, research and development must continue. They say something else; they say you should not do anything for ten years, twelve years, or more, and then start producing, start building! This is an excessively unreasonable demand, an excessively incorrect demand.

Among the important points is this: I emphasize that economic, financial, and banking sanctions, whether related to the Security Council, whether related to the U.S. Congress, or whether related to the U.S. government, must all be lifted immediately upon signing the agreement; the rest of the sanctions should also be lifted within reasonable intervals. Of course, the Americans propose a strange and complex multi-layered formula regarding sanctions, the depths of which are not even known; what comes out of the end is not known at all. I have stated that my expression is clear; I am not very familiar with diplomatic expressions; what we say is clear and this is our view.

Another fundamental point is that the lifting of sanctions is not contingent upon the fulfillment of Iran's commitments; they cannot say: you must destroy the Arak heavy water reactor, reduce the centrifuges to this number, do this, do that, and then when you have done it, the Agency will come and testify, certify that you are telling the truth and have done these things, then we will lift the sanctions! No, we absolutely do not accept this; the lifting of sanctions is not contingent upon the commitments that Iran makes. Of course, the lifting of sanctions has its own executive stages, we accept this; the execution of the lifting of sanctions must correspond with the executions that Iran undertakes; part of this in exchange for part of that, another part of this in exchange for another part of that.

Another fundamental point is that we oppose tying any action to the report of the Agency. We are distrustful of the Agency; the Agency has shown that it is neither independent nor just; it is not independent because it is influenced by the powers; it is not just because it has repeatedly ruled and given opinions contrary to justice. Moreover, to say that "the Agency must come and ensure that there is no nuclear activity in the country" is an unreasonable statement. Well, how can they ensure that? How can they ensure? Do they have to search every house and every inch of the country's land? How can they ensure? Tying it to this issue is neither logical nor just.

I also do not agree with unconventional inspections; I do not accept inquiries from personalities at all; we do not accept inspections of military centers as we have previously stated; the times of fifteen years and twenty-five years - which they constantly mention, fifteen years for this, twenty-five years for that - we do not accept these times; it is clear that this time has a beginning and an end and will come to an end.

These are the major and important issues that we emphasize; of course, the red lines are not limited to these; the negotiating friends are aware of our views; we have shared the details with them; of course, the details we consider and the things I enter into; in many details, we do not enter.

We are seeking an agreement. If anyone says that there is someone among the officials of the Islamic Republic who does not want an agreement, they are lying; everyone should know this. The officials of the Islamic Republic - myself, the government, the parliament, the judiciary, various security and military agencies, etc. - all agree and are in favor of reaching an agreement. In this regard, everyone also agrees that this agreement must be honorable, the interests of the Islamic Republic must be carefully and meticulously observed in it; there is no disagreement in this regard; the government, the parliament, I, and others are all united in this regard. The agreement must be a fair agreement and must secure the interests of the Islamic Republic.

Let us also state that we are seeking to eliminate and lift the sanctions; our goal from these negotiations is the lifting of the sanctions; we are seriously pursuing the lifting of these sanctions; however, at the same time, we consider these sanctions as an opportunity. It should not be that some are surprised at how sanctions can be an opportunity; how can sanctions - something so bad - be an opportunity? These sanctions caused us to return to ourselves; these sanctions caused us to think about our internal forces, to seek internal capacities; that importing everything from abroad with oil money is the worst calamity and the biggest problem for a country like ours, which unfortunately has been plaguing our country since before the revolution and still continues to a large extent, which we must cut off. We have sought internal capacities in science, technology, and various works; God willing, it will be the same in the economy. These are our remarks regarding the nuclear issue. Of course, I have also noted some remarks regarding regional issues that I would like to convey, but as I look at the clock, it seems that the call to prayer has come; I will not trouble you any longer.

O Lord! Make what we have said and heard for You and in Your way and in the service of Your servants; purify our intentions. O Lord! Bestow Your successes upon the officials, the activists, in the government, in the parliament, in the judiciary, in the armed forces - who are engaged in effort and work - and include them in Your support and guidance.

Peace be upon you and God's mercy and blessings.