Statements in Meeting with Members of the Assembly of Experts

In the Name of God, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful

Thanks be to God, the Lord of the worlds, and peace and blessings be upon our master and prophet, Abu al-Qasim al-Mustafa Muhammad, and upon his pure and virtuous family, especially the remainder of God on earth.

I extend my greetings to each of the esteemed gentlemen and ask the Almighty God to increase their successes; and I remember the brothers and friends who were present in this gathering and have passed away in the past year, the last of whom is the late Mr. Emami (may God be pleased with him). May God, God willing, include them and us in His mercy.

The statements that Mr. Bushiri (may God protect him) conveyed from the gentlemen were very good and comprehensive; in fact, all or most of the things that are necessary for the country and for the officials and for all of us in this meeting have been stated. May God grant us and all officials the success to be able to act upon these recommendations, God willing.

I would like to say a word about the remaining days of the blessed month of Sha'ban. The month of Sha'ban is a month of glad tidings, a month of joy, a month of purifying hearts and illuminating hearts with forgiveness, with supplication, with communion; a month of preparing for the entrance into the infinite and endless blessings of the blessed month of Ramadan. What one asks from the Almighty God in this month is of a special kind; "Grant me the perfection of severance unto You; grant me a heart that draws near to You with its longing and a tongue that raises to You with its sincerity." These requests are all full of light, full of grace, full of spirituality. A significant part of this month has passed; we must say, "O God, if You have not forgiven us in what has passed of the month of Sha'ban, then forgive us in what remains of it," God willing. May God help us to make use of these remaining days; perhaps, God willing, the Almighty God will bestow a favor upon us.

This year, the months of Bahman and Esfand have been more than in most other years a place for the manifestation of Islamic democracy; from the Fajr decade and the enthusiastic march of the twenty-second of Bahman to the elections of Esfand and the formation of the Assembly of Experts, all of these are signs and characteristics related to Islamic democracy and the Islamic Republic. Therefore, today I will present a brief speech regarding the Islamic Republic; a short word also addressed to the Assembly of Experts for the experts; and a brief sentence regarding the Islamic Consultative Assembly; this is the outline of our remarks today.

Regarding the issue of the Islamic Republic, you know that the birth of the Islamic Republic created a global impact, it created an earthquake; it was a global event; it was not merely a regional event related to one country. The leadership of Imam Khomeini (may his soul be sanctified), the determination, courage, and self-sacrifice of the Iranian nation throughout the country brought about an event that created a dual front in the world; one front is the front of democracies dependent on the liberal democratic approach — I do not want to now refer to it as a "school" — this is one front; and another front is the front of the republic related to religion and Islam, rather originating from religion and Islam. This dual front came into existence, while before the formation of the Islamic Republic, this dual front did not exist. This front alignment naturally had consequences for both sides; the incompatibility between these two fronts was a natural matter, and this incompatibility began from the very first day.

One should not think that this incompatibility is only due to the issue of adherence to religion, that one side is committed to religion while the other side is indifferent or, for example, without commitment; it was not only this; of course, this existed in the appearances of the matter, but the depth of opposition and incompatibility and sometimes hostility is greater than this. The issue was that the prevailing Western democracy faction felt that this new model that has been proposed is in opposition to its major interests and perhaps ultimately to its existence; they felt this. From the moment the Islamic Republic came into existence, this feeling was somewhat created in the opposing side and was intensified and strengthened day by day.

This serious opposition and confrontation is due to the fact that in the system of liberal democracy and the governments and states that were established based on that logic and that approach, there exists "global arrogance"; there is aggression and transgression. Global arrogance, in the same sense that we use in the Islamic Revolution, means the existence of oppression, aggression, and transgression against nations; this meaning exists in its essence. Those governments and states saw their wealth, power, and absolute sovereignty in aggression and transgression against weak nations and weak countries, and they felt it; the evidence is that at the height of proclaiming the common slogans of that faction, namely the slogans of democracy, freedom, and human rights — which peaked in the nineteenth century — alongside these slogans, the most colonial movements of that faction also occurred in that same period; that is, the colonization of countries in Asia, the colonization of many countries in Africa, in Latin America, peaked in the nineteenth century and had a slight continuation into the twentieth century. That is, these two events occurred together; both those slogans in the nineteenth century and this colonial movement of global arrogance, which was accompanied by oppression and disregard for the rights of nations, occurred in the nineteenth century alongside those slogans.

Naturally, when there is no spirituality, the ground for oppression and aggression and transgression is created; when a group feels powerful and can, for example, seize the wealth of a country like India, which at that time was both wealthy and had industries and was considered a developed country for that era, with power, with pressure, why would it not do so? When there is no spirituality, what obstacle exists? Well, it can and it did. Colonization occurred in a significant part of Asia — in East Asia, in India and in the countries surrounding India and similar places — this happened; it occurred in Africa, it occurred in Latin America. Of course, there was also in North America, but before that, with much struggle and many battles, they freed themselves; otherwise, it was also under colonization. This is the characteristic of this front.

The opposing front that emerged with the establishment of religious democracy has as its most important issue the confrontation with these very events; that is, the confrontation with oppression, the confrontation with global arrogance, the confrontation with transgression; this is how it is. That is, the foundation of a government that is established based on religion and Islam is "You shall not oppress and you shall not be oppressed"; its foundation is the confrontation with the oppressor, the struggle against the oppressor; "Those who have believed fight in the way of God." This is that naturally this confrontation, this mutual hostility, came into existence inevitably. This is a reality that has occurred. Of course, the details are many; that is, there are many words to be said in this regard, and one of the characteristics is this colonialism that I mentioned.

The creation of wars and endless bloodshed for power is among the characteristics of this government, which is supposedly called democracy but is far from spirituality and far from religion and religious concepts and religious knowledge and teachings. In Europe itself, many bitter events occurred, but they all unite when they face non-Europeans; however, when they find leisure, they have disputes among themselves, which, incidentally, in this nineteenth century, the problems and what has occurred in Europe, the wars and massacres and aggressions against one another and the oppressive conquests and so on have a very extensive detail that now does not relate to our issues.

Well, what I want to derive from this statement is what? The essence of my speech is that, firstly, the confrontation of the Islamic Republic with those whom it confronts is a confrontation with oppression, a confrontation with global arrogance, a confrontation with transgression. One should not ask why you express opposition to such and such a country. We have no opposition with governments, with countries, with nations in themselves; we oppose oppression, we oppose global arrogance, we oppose transgression, we oppose those events that you are witnessing today in Gaza. A nation, the owner of a territory, in its own home, in its own land, is subjected to such great oppression; their women, their children, their families, their homes, their infrastructure, their assets are ruthlessly and completely destroyed, and countries are watching; not only do they not oppose, they do not prevent, but they even help. America helps, England helps, some other European countries help. Our statement is this; we oppose this. What places the Islamic Republic in opposition to the opposing front are these concepts that both reason, and custom, and any law and religion, and human conscience condemn; we oppose these. The opposition of the Islamic Republic is with these things; the opposition is with these things, otherwise the Holy Quran even states regarding the disbelievers: "God does not forbid you from those who do not fight you in religion and do not expel you from your homes, that you should be good to them and act justly towards them;" if there is a disbeliever who abides by the conditions of dealing with him in Islam, there is no problem with him.

When the armies of Islam went to these regions of the Levant and similar places that belonged to Rome, the Jews who were there said to the Muslims, "Welcome! Your justice has saved us." The Jews at that time were under the pressure of the Roman Empire; they said, "Your justice, O Muslims, has saved us;" that is how it was; they entered, and justice and fairness were seen from them, were observed. They are like this even with disbelievers. The issue is the issue of transgression and oppression and colonialism; this first point must be clarified that the opposition and confrontation of the Islamic Republic and the front alignment of the Islamic Republic with the republics that have hidden themselves under the name of democracy and human rights and liberalism is due to the essence of their work, the text of their work, which consists of oppression and global arrogance and similar things. This is the first result we wanted to derive from these remarks.

The second result we derive is that we must always keep the banner of the struggle against global arrogance raised high. We must be careful that the Islamic Republic at no time allows this leadership in the confrontation against global arrogance to be taken from it. We must be pioneers, we must be the first to raise this banner wider and higher every day.

The third and final result is that we must clarify this truth for our new generations. Our youth must know, the youth of this generation and the youth of future generations must know what the approach of the Islamic Republic is, what this steadfastness is. Of course, fortunately, in these four decades and more that have passed since the life of the Islamic Republic, we have succeeded in the region and in the world to be able to show this face, this front, this orientation of the Islamic Republic to the world of humanity. This is our first statement.

Regarding the Assembly of Experts, my statement is that the Assembly of Experts actually has the most important task; this "determining leadership" and "monitoring the preservation of the qualifications of leadership" is among the great tasks; that is, perhaps the greatest task in the management of Iranian society in the Islamic Republic. The Assembly of Experts must be careful in the selections and elections it will have, that the fixed principles of the Islamic Republic are not neglected; this is very important. That is, the selection of leadership must be done with consideration of the fixed principles that in the Islamic Republic, these principles are among the certainties and constants. Well, we have two types of rulings; we have fixed rulings, we have variable rulings. In Islam itself, we have variable rulings under secondary titles. In the Islamic Republic, it is the same; some rulings change according to circumstances. In the Constitution itself, it is mentioned; for example, in Article 44, with regard to the appendix of that article, some matters can change; we have many such cases; however, we have fixed principles that are no longer changeable. In the Constitution, these principles can be found, in the statements of Imam Khomeini (may his soul be sanctified) these principles can be found, in Islamic teachings, these principles can be found; these must be observed. Like the establishment of justice, like the struggle against corruption, like raising the level of Islamic knowledge, the level of Islamic practice in society; these are fixed principles that are unchangeable. This is also a reminder and advice from this humble servant to those who are present in the Assembly of Experts over time and have responsibilities.

Regarding the Islamic Consultative Assembly, let me say a word. Well, every new assembly carries new hopes and new hopes. When a new assembly is formed, new hopes are also raised with that assembly, and new perspectives can be found. New representatives enter the new assembly, alongside them, there are also experienced representatives from the previous term or previous terms; this is a very good combination, a very good collection; there is both innovation in it, there is also novelty in it, there is also experience in it; they use the successful experiences of the past, new innovations also come. Well, this is a valuable asset.

The formation of every new assembly is a valuable and useful asset for the country; this must be appreciated. It is like a blood that flows in the veins of the political and social body of the country and, God willing, will have an effect. It is a sweet event; however, this sweet event can be made bitter; like all sweet truths in the world, there are also some things, there are also factors that can destroy this sweetness. I have noted here, what can destroy the sweetness of the new assembly is divisive words and instigating disputes and hostilities that are pleasing to the enemy; such things destroy the sweetness of the new assembly. Care must be taken; care must be taken.

Brothers and sisters in the new assembly that will soon be formed and are present, they must be careful not to let the sweetness of the formation of the new assembly be destroyed and the tastes become bitter. If they do not observe this, the first effect is that the taste of the nation becomes bitter, the political atmosphere of the country becomes a bitter atmosphere; while the political atmosphere with elections and the formation of a new assembly and the arrival of new individuals and similar things is naturally a refreshing atmosphere, this is destroyed; the first effect is this.

The second effect is that the assembly becomes ineffective; that is, when the Islamic Consultative Assembly becomes embroiled in disputes and conflicts and various confrontations of this kind, it naturally remains away from its main work; the divisions and struggles prevent them from getting to their work.

And I want to say that, well, we have Islamic democracy, after all; this title "Islamic" is a very important title; it is not merely applicable in political environments; that is, being Islamic and the Islamic Republic is not just that we have presented a political model; yes, this is one of the most important parts of the work, but it is not just this.

A major indicator of the Islamic Republic is that the officials of the Islamic Republic must be religious; they must observe the lawful and unlawful, and avoid lies, backbiting, and slander, and such things. Just as we must be careful in our personal affairs and practice piety and avoid the unlawful, in the political environment and in political work, the same applies; we must avoid the unlawful; this must be placed at the forefront of our work. Amir al-Mu'minin (peace be upon him) says: "If it were not for piety, I would be the most cunning and cleverest of the Arabs." Piety prevents many of a person's actions. Amir al-Mu'minin (peace be upon him) in the letters and decrees he has given to his governors — in many of them, I cannot say most; in many of them — the first thing is: "A letter to so-and-so, I command him to be God-conscious." In the famous decree to Malik al-Ashtar, he says: "I commanded him to be God-conscious and to prioritize obedience to Him." That is how Amir al-Mu'minin (peace be upon him) emphasizes. Or "Go forth with God-consciousness"; the recommendation is to God-consciousness. Therefore, in political work, in political interactions, in political classifications — which naturally, with differences of opinion, there is a kind of classification and there is no problem with that — piety must be observed; one must earnestly avoid the unlawful. If this is the case, God willing, the results of the work will also be desirable, and the Almighty God will bless the work.

We hope, God willing, that the Almighty God makes the speaker an actor upon these words; and may God grant the listener success so that this word has an effect in hearts and we can carry out our duties according to what is religiously obligatory.

Peace be upon you and God's mercy and blessings.