Leader of the Revolution's Letter to the President Regarding the Requirements for Implementing the JCPOA

In the Name of God, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful

Dear Mr. Rouhani,

President of the Islamic Republic of Iran and Chairman of the Supreme National Security Council (may your success be granted),

Greetings and salutations;

Now that the agreement known as the "JCPOA" has finally passed through legal channels after thorough and responsible reviews in the Islamic Consultative Assembly, the special committee, and other committees, as well as in the Supreme National Security Council, and is awaiting my opinion, I find it necessary to remind you of certain points so that you and other direct and indirect stakeholders have sufficient opportunities to observe and safeguard national interests and the higher interests of the country.

1) First and foremost, I must express my gratitude to all those involved in this challenging process, throughout all periods, including the recent negotiating team that made every possible effort to explain the positive aspects and essentially to stabilize those points, and also to the critics who, with admirable scrutiny, reminded us of its weaknesses, especially to the Chairman and members of the special committee of the Assembly and also to the high-ranking members of the Supreme National Security Council who, by including their important considerations, covered some gaps, and finally to the Chairman and representatives of the Islamic Consultative Assembly who, by approving a cautious plan, provided the government with the correct path for implementation, as well as to the national media and writers of the country’s press who, despite all differences of opinion, collectively presented a complete picture of this agreement to public opinion. This extensive body of work, effort, and thought on an issue that is believed to be one of the memorable and instructive matters of the Islamic Republic is worthy of appreciation and a source of joy. For this reason, it can be confidently said that the divine reward for these responsible roles will include support, mercy, and guidance from the Almighty, God willing; because the promise of divine support in the face of support for His religion is unbreakable.

2) You, with decades of experience in the core issues of the Islamic Republic, must certainly know that the government of the United States has taken no approach other than hostility and disruption against Iran in the nuclear issue and not in any other matter, and it is unlikely that it will act otherwise in the future. The statements of the President of the United States in two letters to me, claiming that he does not intend to overthrow the Islamic Republic, soon contradicted by his support for internal seditions and financial assistance to the opponents of the Islamic Republic, revealed the true intentions of the American leaders. Political experts around the world and public opinion in many nations clearly recognize that the cause of this unending hostility is the nature and identity of the Islamic Republic of Iran, which has arisen from the Islamic Revolution. Standing firm on the rightful Islamic positions against the system of domination and global arrogance, resisting excesses and encroachments on weak nations, exposing American support for medieval dictatorships and the suppression of independent nations, unwavering defense of the Palestinian people and national resistance groups, and a logical and worldly outcry against the usurping Zionist regime constitute major pillars that have made the enmity of the United States against the Islamic Republic inevitable; and this enmity will continue as long as the Islamic Republic, with its internal strength and stability, does not dishearten them.

The behavior and statements of the American government regarding the nuclear issue and its lengthy and tedious negotiations have shown that this is also one of the links in the chain of their hostile enmity towards the Islamic Republic. Their deception in the duality between their initial statements made with the intention of accepting direct negotiations from Iran and their repeated breaches of promises during the two-year negotiations, along with their alignment with the demands of the Zionist regime and their bullying diplomacy with the European governments and institutions involved in the negotiations, all indicate that the deceptive entry of the United States into the nuclear negotiations was not with the intention of achieving a fair resolution, but with the aim of advancing its hostile objectives regarding the Islamic Republic.

Undoubtedly, maintaining vigilance regarding the hostile intentions of the American government and the resistances that were employed by the officials of the Islamic Republic throughout the negotiations were able to prevent significant losses in many instances. However, the outcome of the negotiations, which has taken shape in the JCPOA, suffers from ambiguities and structural weaknesses and numerous issues that, in the absence of careful and moment-to-moment monitoring, could lead to significant damages for the present and future of the country.

3) The nine articles of the recent law passed by the Assembly and the ten considerations below the resolution of the Supreme National Security Council contain useful and effective points that must be observed; however, there are also some other necessary points that, along with emphasizing several of what is mentioned in those two documents, are announced.

First: Since Iran's acceptance of negotiations was fundamentally aimed at lifting the oppressive economic and financial sanctions, and its implementation in the JCPOA has been postponed until after Iran's actions, strong and sufficient guarantees must be prepared to prevent the violations of the opposing parties, including a written declaration from the President of the United States and the European Union regarding the lifting of sanctions. In the declaration of the European Union and the President of the United States, it must be specified that these sanctions are completely lifted. Any statement indicating that the structure of sanctions will remain is tantamount to a violation of the JCPOA.

Second: Throughout the eight-year period, the imposition of any sanctions at any level and for any reason (including the repeated and self-made pretexts of terrorism and human rights) by any of the negotiating countries will be considered a violation of the JCPOA, and the government is obliged to take necessary actions according to Article 3 of the Assembly's resolution and to suspend JCPOA activities.

Third: Actions related to what is mentioned in the next two articles will only begin when the Agency announces the closure of the current and past issues (PMD).

Fourth: Action regarding the modernization of the Arak facility while preserving its heavy identity will only begin when a definitive and reliable contract regarding the replacement plan and sufficient guarantees for its implementation has been concluded.

Fifth: The transaction of existing enriched uranium in exchange for yellowcake with a foreign government will only begin when a reliable contract in this regard has been concluded along with sufficient guarantees. This transaction and exchange must be gradual and occur multiple times.

Sixth: According to the Assembly's resolution, the necessary plans and arrangements for the medium-term development of the nuclear energy industry, which includes a progressive method from now until fifteen years and culminating in 190,000 SWU, must be prepared and carefully reviewed in the Supreme National Security Council. This plan must address any concerns arising from certain contents in the annexes of the JCPOA.

Seventh: The Atomic Energy Organization must organize research and development in various dimensions in such a way that by the end of the eight-year period, there is no technological shortage for achieving the enrichment acceptable under the JCPOA.

Eighth: It should be noted that in cases of ambiguity in the JCPOA document, the interpretation of the opposing party is not acceptable, and the reference is the text of the negotiations.

Ninth: The existence of complexities and ambiguities in the text of the JCPOA and also the suspicion of breach of promise and violations and deception on the part of the opposing party, especially the United States, necessitates that a strong, knowledgeable, and astute committee be formed to monitor the progress of the work and the fulfillment of the commitments of the opposing party and to realize what has been explicitly stated above. The composition and duties of this committee must be determined and approved in the Supreme National Security Council.

Considering what has been mentioned, the resolution of the 634th session dated 19/5/94 of the Supreme National Security Council is approved with the observance of the mentioned points.

In conclusion, as I have reminded you and other government officials in numerous sessions and have pointed out to our dear people in public sessions, lifting the sanctions, although necessary for the removal of oppression and the restoration of the rights of the Iranian nation, will not lead to economic opening, improvement of livelihood, and resolution of current problems except through serious engagement and comprehensive pursuit of the resistance economy. It is hoped that care will be taken to ensure that this goal is pursued with utmost seriousness, especially with special attention to strengthening national production, and also to ensure that the situation after the lifting of sanctions does not lead to unrestrained imports, and particularly to avoid importing any consumables from the United States.

I beseech God Almighty for your success and that of other stakeholders.

Seyyed Ali Khamenei

29th of Mehr, 1394