Statements in Meeting with Members of the Assembly of Experts

In the Name of God, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful

First, I extend a warm welcome to the esteemed gentlemen and thank the Almighty God for granting us the opportunity to hold this significant and important assembly once again, allowing its members to discuss their pertinent issues. I express my gratitude for the advisory and very important remarks made by Mr. Mashkini (may his blessings be upon him) and the report presented by Mr. Amini.

As Ayatollah Mashkini pointed out, this session is truly exceptional; both due to the composition of this assembly, which includes scholars and religious leaders, many officials from various sectors, and some high-ranking officials of the country, and also because this assembly has been elected by the people. This is a very important point. The people have gathered you in this assembly through their votes for a very significant purpose and responsibility—one for which there is no alternative center in the country—and that is to determine the leadership of the system and to oversee the correctness of the leadership's path over time. With this idea and motivation, the people have chosen this assembly, which they trust; thus, this assembly is exceptional both in terms of being elected by the people and in possessing many high and noble characteristics.

Regarding the two or three points that Mr. Amini mentioned in his remarks—which I also noted in the final statement of the session, where these points are briefly mentioned—I would like to make a brief comment.

Concerning the issue of preventing disasters, there are criticisms directed at those responsible for this task. Of course, one cannot blame anyone for earthquakes, snow, or floods; however, one can expect the officials to manage affairs in such a way that the damages from these disasters are minimized and that the compensatory and remedial work in response to these disasters becomes easier. Thoughts have been put forth, recommendations have been made, and gatherings have been held for this purpose; yet, the speed of action must be greater than this. Of course, some work has begun regarding dilapidated and vulnerable structures; these structures did not come into existence in ten or fifteen years; unfortunately, this reflects the quality of our indigenous and traditional construction. Fortunately, access is now better and easier than before; there are airports and land routes—this is also a blessing of the revolution and the efforts of the officials—yet we still have this flaw and we will continue to remind and emphasize it.

The issue of mourning ceremonies, which was mentioned, is very important and largely pertains to ourselves. There is no doubt that in some cases, unrealistic, incorrect, and superstitious statements are made during mourning ceremonies; however, even if we assume that no incorrect statements are made in that sense, when a correct but weak statement is made without reference to a valid source, or a statement is made that undermines people's faith and does not resonate with the audience's beliefs, this is also harmful. Today, we have so many issues in the country. One very important platform for propaganda is these Hussaini gatherings, mourning ceremonies, and religious processions. From this platform, the highest teachings and the most urgent and necessary matters can be conveyed; however, if we divert this to fanciful or baseless matters, it is by no means beneficial.

The statement is correct; it is not a new statement; it is our perennial statement; however, there is a point here that must be considered. We have heard and seen in some cases that individuals have pointed out this flaw, or rather this danger. Naturally, some minds may not be able to grasp this meaning; they have become accustomed to this practice in action; this is not very important; it can be influenced; however, suddenly a voice of approval for that erroneous practice arises from a point within the clergy and from reputable centers of the clergy; remedy this; otherwise, stating, justifying, and reprimanding is not difficult.

Let it not be the case that when a rightful matter is stated in a center and a responsible and enlightened cleric expresses it, suddenly a movement arises with the delusion or temptation that the essence of Imam Hussein's mourning has been questioned; as we saw in the case of flagellation. In our view, flagellation was and is a definite violation of religious law; we have announced this, and some elders have supported it; yet later we saw that individuals from various corners acted contrary to this! Even if flagellation is not problematic and not forbidden, it is not obligatory; why is there motivation for these sometimes superstitious matters in certain places? Those that do not have a purely superstitious aspect at least have this much that in today's world, in today's communications, in the prevailing global culture, and in the rationalities that are currently prevalent in our homes and among our youth, it will provoke inappropriate reactions. These are not clear religious evidences that we can say whether the world likes it or not, we must state these; at least these are questionable matters. Think about this issue and take action. This also cannot be achieved with the reference you made in the session's statement.

I mentioned in the previous session that you should issue a resolution regarding such matters. The Assembly of Experts is a reputable and magnificent assembly; so many personalities have gathered in this assembly; regarding an issue that you deem important, issue a resolution so that it can be disseminated; at least the people of Iran should know that your opinion regarding a certain issue is this; even if some act upon it or not. We mentioned this point in the previous session, and the gentlemen welcomed it; however, it was not acted upon in this session either!

Of course, the issue of Chaharshanbeh Suri (Wednesday Eve) is another matter and requires a different approach; however, regarding these two clear and evident issues—one being natural disasters and the necessity of addressing and aiding and preventing by the officials, so that human casualties and financial damages are minimized, and the other being the issue of mourning ceremonies—you can issue a resolution and request this from the leadership—there is no problem—request it from the officials. The issue of mourning ceremonies is entirely relevant to you; sign under this matter and show that you have an opinion and concern regarding this issue and that you want this work to be done.

I would like to say a few words regarding current issues. Of course, as I have been informed, the gentlemen have also, thank God, paid attention to current issues in their pre-agenda speeches. Today, the fundamental issue of the country is the challenge of the Islamic Revolution and the Islamic system with enemies whose manner of dealing reveals their panic. Let us state that the current political and propaganda confrontation of America and the West with the Islamic Republic of Iran—which is characterized by a harsh and aggressive tone—is not a sign of the enemy's power; it is a sign of the enemy's inability to confront the pure tree that has taken root, risen, and branched out. The fundamental reason for this is that in the materialistic world and in the atheistic and materialistic international system, when a divine unit based on monotheistic principles emerges, they will be incompatible with it; this is a natural and inevitable thing; it is like marking a region with a specific engineering and taste, but someone who, for example, is driving a tractor and does not accept this marking, is moving in a way that he deems correct, disrupting their markings and calculations.

The conflict is over Islam; it is not over individuals or the type of government and democracy; otherwise, today the West knows that one of the most popular systems in this region is the Islamic Republic; this is undeniable. The Islamic Republic, which from top to bottom, all its actions are based and documented on the people's votes, its most influential personalities are elected by the people, and the presence, support, and affections of the people are its fundamental backing, is unparalleled in terms of some aspects of being popular in the world—not just in the region. Even most of the prevailing democracies in the world do not have such popular support and multitude of hearts behind them, but we, thank God, do; the enemy also sees this. Therefore, the issue is that when Islamic thought and the Islamic foundation reach the stage of action and intend to establish a government system, this will be incompatible with the markings and calculations of the prevailing material order of the world; this is a natural and inevitable thing. No matter how much we correct political appearances and propose de-escalation and the like, it does not eliminate their fundamental problem.

They also know that this new Islamic order will not be limited to one country; because the Islamic community is a large community. Currently, there are approximately one and a half billion Muslims and dozens of Islamic countries; all of these share common principles and foundations with the Islamic Republic. The desires and affections of the nations favor the Islamic Republic—they know this—and they know that if this system can free itself from the burden of problems and rise up and make its voice heard to the world, then this model will have effects in other parts of the world that are very important to them, contrary to their wishes.

In fact, their anger is directed at Islam, the Islamic order, and the Islamic movement. You observe; in the past ten to fifteen years, we have witnessed programs carried out in the country by the governments; there were good programs as well. The titles of demands and concerns of the governments are things that are also raised in the global norm for the advancement of a country; such as knowledge, technology, development, five-year plans, foreign investment, and de-escalation; the statements we have made over these years have been echoed by all; that is, they are not specific to a part of the system; from the leadership to the governments and officials, these have been repeatedly stated; this indicates that the Islamic Republic is moving towards development within the framework of these headings. These advancements are naturally somewhat hopeful for the designers, policymakers, and strategists of international and colonial policies. They think that the Islamic Republic will eventually enter the conventional and normal development line proposed and designed by them. For example, when the issue of global trade and entry into global markets is raised, this hope arises in them that perhaps the Islamic system is gradually going to be absorbed into the materialistic international system; if such an event occurs, all their calculations will be at their disposal. Suppose a country enters the World Trade Organization; the dominant and strong hand in the World Trade Organization belongs to them; the policymaking belongs to them, and the greater benefit belongs to them; now, even if some profit comes to a certain country or government; but they are the ones who calculate. The same goes for various global policies; it seems that gradually this hope has arisen in them.

Of course, some internal statements also reinforced this hope in them; whether in cultural, political, or economic fields. The fact that the Islamic system appeared as a protestor, and as their own gentlemen say, as an opposition to the global system, in a sensitive point in the world—this actually diminished this. Suddenly, the twenty-year outlook document is presented as the policies of the system and the demands and policies of the leadership; then at the forefront of this outlook, it states that "Iran is a developed country," until it reaches this point: "with an Islamic and revolutionary identity and inspiring in the Islamic world." It becomes clear that the disturbed dream that had created hope in their hearts is a dream without interpretation. That is, all the five-year plans that will start from the year 1384 (2005) and will be based on the twenty-year outlook must be in this line and direction; everyone must pursue revolutionary Islam and Islamic Iran in the true sense of the word and be inspiring in the Islamic world.

We do not wish to be isolated in the Islamic world, and we are not isolated and will not be. Isolation, in the diplomatic and common sense in the world, is not as harmful as isolation from the nations. Today, America, apparently, is not isolated; its political presence and even military presence are felt everywhere in this region; however, in reality, it is isolated; why? Because the nations, who are the determiners and decision-makers, are all disgusted and repulsed by America's presence and policies; this isolation is harmful. The Islamic Republic does not have this isolation in the Islamic world.

Now, wherever you go in the Islamic world, you will see that people's hearts beat for the Islamic Republic; this is a reality. The recent trip of our esteemed President to Bosnia is an example. How much popular connection do we have with Bosnia? How many Bosnians have come here? After the Dayton Agreement and the end of the Balkan wars, there was so much propaganda and activity against Iran there; they expelled the agents of the Islamic Republic from there, insulted them, accused them in their propaganda, and said everything about them; yet, the people of Bosnia welcomed our President in such a manner. He said that in the heavy snow of Sarajevo—where perhaps the snow had fallen up to near the knees—people had gathered densely in the streets to see the President of the Islamic Republic of Iran. He said that when we visited the library of Qazi Khosrow Bek, which I had also visited during my presidency, our visit lasted about 45 minutes; but when we returned, we saw that people were still standing there. In the mosque there, people had gathered densely to welcome the President of the Islamic Republic of Iran, singing songs in Persian! This reception is not related to individuals.

I had returned from Algeria and described the scene I had seen in that country to Imam, saying that this reception was not related to me; it was a tribute to you. Now, neither my person, nor Mr. Khatami, nor any of the officials of the country who go to other countries and are welcomed in this manner are the focus; the people do not know our individuals; they may know our names, but they know the revolution and the Imam; the same personality that shone like the sun in the sky of the Islamic world and everyone—whether enemies wanted it or not—felt it. Now, they see a diagram and a paper of that distinguished personality. Wherever you go, the situation is the same.

One of our officials—I do not remember if it was the President or someone else—went to one of the Arab countries and received a good reception. I said that wherever you go in the Arab countries, the case is the same; if you go to Egypt, the gathering of people will be the largest; if you go to Sudan, it will be the same; if you go to other countries, it will be the same; of course, provided that the governments do not obstruct.

Today, the Islamic Republic is prominent throughout the Islamic world; the reason is that it stands firm on its main word and slogan—which is Islam. When the Americans publish the outlook document and see that the twenty-year outlook is about the emergence of a first-class developed country in the region in terms of technology and knowledge, with an Islamic and revolutionary orientation and essence, and inspiring in the Islamic world, they seek to counter it. Of course, they cannot confront Islam.

I saw that the gentlemen of the Assembly of Experts had made correct and good remarks regarding the Greater Middle East in their pre-agenda speeches. The issue of the Greater Middle East is an American wish. The Greater Middle East they speak of means a large country in the Middle East centered around Israel. Of course, their intention is not to form a single government; no, they want the same governments that are located within the current geographical borders to exist; however, governments that are in the American fist; people may have apparently elected them, but the Americans wanted them; just as happened in recent months in Ukraine and Georgia.

They want Israel to become a prominent center in this resource-rich and capital-rich region; to allow the representative and base of Western material civilization to extend its limbs in these countries; to use their cheap labor, to utilize their money, to expand its economy, to develop its agriculture, and in fact to nourish itself; like a tree whose roots enter the neighbor's house and nourishes from there, while the fruit of the tree belongs to the owner of that house.

The plan from the Nile to the Euphrates that they once announced they wanted to achieve with the military power, now they want to achieve with political and economic power. Of course, they will certainly not reach this goal; neither the Americans nor the Zionists and the usurpers of Palestine.

The nations are awake. We must be vigilant. The Islamic Republic must be vigilant. Our vigilance is not just a slogan; we must be attentive. In determining governments, in electing the President—who has only a few days left until the elections—and in selecting those who are to operate in the political arena of the country, we must be attentive. Each of the individuals and personalities and officials who are at the head of a working group are decisive; both their faith, their determination and will, and their competence and capability are decisive. Suppose you have a criticism regarding a certain cultural issue, or if you have a criticism regarding a certain technical issue of the country, all of these revert to various managements; not just management at the top; no, sometimes the upper management is good, but the middle and intermediate managements—which require oversight and supervision from high-ranking officials—sometimes do not allow the work to reach the desired outcome. Therefore, these selections are decisive. In these areas, we must enter with a sense of responsibility and consideration of the aspects and with open eyes and complete insight.

At the head of the work, there must be those whose faith in Islam and the revolution and Islamic and revolutionary values is sufficient; they should not have doubts about Islamic values, and their ability and enthusiasm and power of movement and pursuit should be commensurate with all the work that the Islamic Republic has, so that, God willing, the country can progress.

These works are multi-generational tasks. The goals and results we seek, we do not expect to be realized in a short time; however, we expect that a movement will be created and a sense of progress will be felt. A person travels a path in one hour, and another path in twenty-four hours; however, the path that must be traveled in twenty-four hours, a person must feel in the first hour that he has progressed by the amount of one hour. We expect to feel movement and progress in all areas; both in economic fields, cultural fields, value fields, scientific fields, and in the advancement of science and the depth of science and breaking the scientific veil that prevents countries like ours from accessing the main scientific points and breaking the boundaries of knowledge and progressing; fortunately, in this recent field, our country is among the exceptional countries in terms of goodness. Talents are good; capabilities are good; the power of scientific and technical innovation is good; we can progress in these areas, and we have made progress, one example of which is the issue of nuclear energy.

We must ask the Almighty God to grant us success. Appreciate this esteemed assembly and the value of this very precious gathering and—as Ayatollah Mashkini pointed out—make bold decisions commensurate with the duty and expectation from this assembly. You are a collective; in every field, whatever you deem appropriate, make bold decisions and announce them. I have said this, and I emphasize again; announce that our opinion is this. Issuing such statements is very good and necessary. Your previous statements have generally been good; this year, a dignified, well-worded, and well-phrased statement has been issued; however, issuing the final statement of the session is different from making a specific demand on a particular issue from you so that the people know that the Assembly of Experts wants this. Do not hesitate to ask anyone you think is necessary—from the President, from the leadership, from the parliament, from the judiciary—do not be hindered by considerations and hesitations; present what your opinion is clearly and decisively and demand it.

The secretariat can also prepare matters for the next session over time with consultation from you gentlemen so that they can be addressed in that session. A well-organized and effective secretariat can have a significant impact.

This assembly is based on the people's votes; it is not a small assembly. Of course, the Almighty God must assist, guide, and help us all, and make our gratitude for His blessings the ground for His mercy and additional blessings. All of us are in need of the pure prayers of the Blessed Imam al-Mahdi (may our souls be sacrificed for him). We hope, God willing, to be included in the prayers and affectionate attention of that great one, and God willing, our work and progress will improve day by day.

Peace be upon you and God's mercy and blessings.