Speech in Meeting with Officials and Executives of the System with Hojjatoleslam wal-Muslimeen Haj Seyyed Ahmad Khomeini

In the Name of God, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful

Thanks be to God, the Lord of the worlds, and may God's blessings be upon our Master Muhammad and his pure family, especially the remaining proof of God on earth.

This is a very important meeting and an atmosphere filled with fragrance. You, the officials of the divine system of the Islamic Republic, are gathered here as servants of the prophets' goals throughout history and fulfillers of the aspirations of the righteous and the pious servants of God. The very act of gathering, exchanging views, affection, messages, and strengthening relationships among you brothers who are working in various sectors is our primary and main goal for this meeting. Coming together, physical gathering, exchanging ideas, thoughts, emotions, and affection, and the essence of this matter is something good and necessary for you dear and hardworking brothers, which we thought, God willing, would be achieved in this sincere and brotherly gathering.

Secondly, I will offer some reminders only as a reminder; otherwise, these are things that all of you know; rather, many of you are verbal and practical propagators of these matters that we will express. Nevertheless, there is always an effect in hearing that is not in knowing. We all need, and I am in great need, to hear things from others. Learning is not a transient stage; we must always learn, listen, and repeat. These reminders are of this kind.

What I will express mainly concerns two issues: one issue is the general condition of the officials of the Islamic government; because the name of the Islamic government brings with it commitments in all aspects, including in the aspect of being an official of this government, which I will explain later.

The second issue is about our always fundamental principle, which is the unity of word, unity of direction, coordination, and healing of forces in the sacred line that Islam, the true expositor of Islam, and the guide of this nation and this generation—namely, our great Imam—have drawn.

Let me preliminarily state that this Islamic system is a divine gift. The Almighty God, according to historical traditions and the rules and laws governing the world of humanity, truly brought this seemingly improbable phenomenon into existence with His complete power. This is primarily a divine gift for the people of Iran, and secondly, for all Muslims in the world, and it is not surprising if we say that it was also for all the oppressed in the world.

This divine gift, this great favor that the Almighty God bestowed—like all divine favors—does not have a guaranteed document in the hands of the people from the Lord. If we preserve this blessing well, it will remain and grow better and more flourishing day by day, and its blessings will increase. If, God forbid, we waste it and do not carry this burden, we will be like those whom the Almighty God has repeatedly mentioned in the Quran for us to learn from; "like those who were entrusted with the Torah and then did not carry it."

The Almighty God has repeatedly stated about the Israelites that we gave them superiority, made them victorious over their enemies, and gave them government and power. These same Israelites are also those about whom the Almighty God said: "Humiliation and misery were stamped upon them, and they incurred the wrath of God." There are several other harsh expressions about the Israelites in the Quran.

This blessing requires gratitude. Gratitude for this blessing and preserving this great divine favor is to become familiar with our duties in return for this divine favor and to act upon them; not to forget the goal; not to forget that the Almighty God made this revolution victorious and honored the Muslims of Iran through this revolution and through that exceptional leader. The Almighty God had preserved him for such a historical turning point. Apparently, one thinks that the Almighty God had nurtured and preserved this precious and invaluable being to bring about such a movement in the world and in history.

When this revolution, by the grace of successive divine gifts, achieved victory, you who are revolutionary and faithful to this path and this goal, have you thought about why you entered the realm of believers and officials and agents of this collection? Was there any motivation other than that the Almighty God fulfilled His promise and saved us from the weakness, humiliation, and oppression of all oppressive powers and the distance from Islamic identity? Very well, now we must move with all our being in the path of Islam.

This goal must not be forgotten by you and me for a moment. We are all alike. Someone must say these words to me as well. If I am not more in need of hearing these words from you, I am at least as much in need as you are. We are all like this.

We must not forget this goal, which is steadfastness, meaning not going astray, not losing the line, and not forgetting the goal. This matter is so sensitive and important that the Almighty God also gives this advice to the Prophet with that greatness, which we now want to give to ourselves. He says: "So be steadfast as you have been commanded, and those who have turned with you." Be careful not to lose or mistake the way. This losing the way is a general and ambiguous statement; everyone says that this is the way. It is possible that two friends or two brothers have different tastes and views and different foundations and have two different thoughts in political or economic matters, and each says that my way is the right way. Is the meaning of steadfastness in the way this? No, naturally, these differences in tastes exist.

Brothers! Whatever taste, whatever faction, whatever thought, and—as it is commonly said—whatever line you have, know that there is a point of divergence; be careful there. That point is the moment you feel that instead of God, "self" enters the field. The point of deviation is here. "Your greatest enemy is your own self which is between your two sides." This self and this ego are more hostile than all enemies; it is something that, to satisfy it, we may sometimes, God forbid, be willing to forget the most noble and dear values. This is the point of deviation and is always waiting for us; we must be careful of this.

This is not one of those mistakes that we search for in the history of our lives; guess its point and be careful there. No, it may arise for us at any moment. Right now, as I am speaking, in the middle of speaking, this crossroads exists. You who are listening, in the midst of listening, this crossroads exists. In the action we want to take, this crossroads exists. In the place where a lust of our carnal desires appears and presents itself prominently, this crossroads exists. In the place where we want to make a decision—whether personal or governmental and general—this crossroads exists. In the most delicate and subtle states, this crossroads exists.

Therefore, you truly see how much these subtleties existed in the minds and words of our great Imams. In the prayer of Makarim al-Akhlaq, you read: O God! Give me honor, give me prestige; but "do not test me with pride"; do not afflict me with arrogance. Make me successful in worship; but do not afflict me with conceit. That is, even in the midst of worship, this crossroads exists. The moment of self-admiration "this is me," is the very moment when we slip from this blessed straight path with a good outcome to a painful and misleading path. This is the point of deviation; attention must be paid to this.

You at least in every prayer twice, and every day at least ten times, say to the Lord: "Guide us to the straight path." Usually, a person prays once. The fact that we constantly ask for the straight path from God is the same response to "be steadfast as you have been commanded"; steadfastness. Especially for us who are officials and responsible, our burden is heavier.

Dear brothers! We will be questioned. We are judged in two places: one in history, where the future will judge us, and the other in the divine presence.

I do not forget that in those years of oppression, we always in the seminaries and in the gatherings of fighters and intellectuals, among ourselves, judged those who did nothing between the years 1941 and 1953—when the renewed oppression of Mohammad Reza Shah was imposed on this country—and said: in those ten, twelve years when there was some openness and something could be done, why did they do nothing? Perhaps even now some of us, ourselves or others, in some periods of these past ten, twelve years, question and blame, saying: why did we not do something when we could have done something there? Or in the future, the people of this country and the Muslims of the world will ask us what you did with the precious opportunity given to you. Did you fulfill all your duties, or not? If we have been negligent in the slightest, we will be scrutinized and held accountable under the magnifying glasses.

This is one of the cases, which is of course a big thing. This possible reproach of history and future generations compels many individuals to act correctly; but we also have something higher than this, which is the trial in the divine presence; what shall we do about that?

When a person reviews some of these verses of the Quran, they are truly shaken. "Stop them, for they are to be questioned"; they are held back. The Lord does not allow us to take a step. In that strange and terrifying arena, each of our actions, movements, words, and even sometimes our thoughts will be revived and scrutinized. "So whoever does an atom's weight of good will see it. And whoever does an atom's weight of evil will see it." You will see that good and evil yourself on the Day of Judgment. That action itself will be embodied and alive before us there.

Every moment of our lives is under the penetrating light of divine knowledge and insight; in the same mystical expression and arising from the complete insight of that divine human and righteous servant who said: "The world is the presence of God." We are now in the presence of God, and the Almighty God is aware of the corners of our thoughts and minds. With this thought, we officials of the Islamic government must pay attention to the duties of this sensitive period and act upon them.

When we said Islamic government, we have committed to certain things in the lives and general condition of the people, in the social system, in thoughts and culture, in all social relations, including in the method and manner of the official of the Islamic government. This Islamic government has a specific meaning. The Islamic government is different from a monarchical government; it is different from a worldly government; it is different from a tyrannical government; it is different from domination over people; it is different from living in the form of seizing the opportunity for lusts, for those who have access and can. The Islamic government means its officials work for Islam and God, not for themselves.

We must truly consider ourselves servants of the people in the true sense of the word—not in the conventional sense of the word. At whatever level we are, we must completely discard the thought that: "We can use the facilities at our disposal to fulfill our desires and whims; so let's do it." The country's officials must truly be role models for others in terms of asceticism—meaning disinterest in worldly adornments; the limit of that is the limit of piety.

The Commander of the Faithful (peace be upon him) in that famous letter to "Uthman ibn Hunayf," after saying you were at such a table and such and such, describes his own life: "Behold, your Imam has contented himself with two old garments from his world and two loaves of bread from his food." Then he says: "Behold, you cannot do that"; meaning I do not expect such a lifestyle from you.

Where can I and you even imagine that we are capable of flying at that height? Is it a joke? The discussion is not that we absolve ourselves of responsibility. No, if someone can, they should do it. The discussion is not that we make an excuse for our own actions. No, living like that is not an artificial act; rather, it relies on a steel spirit, which existed in the Commander of the Faithful.

Following that, he says: "But help me with piety and effort"; adopt piety and strive as much as you can in this path. If you cannot do it that way, pursue it as far as you can. If we want and proclaim and say that our society must abandon the consumerist mentality and free itself from those things promoted in Western cultures, acting on it depends on our actions. We are the ones who must teach this to the people. How can we ourselves be caught up in all kinds of possible formalities and luxuries, yet at the same time expect people not to be luxurious?! If they proclaim it elsewhere, we must act.

Another point is the manner of relationship with the people. In the Islamic system, the ethical relationship with the people is a special relationship; considering the people as owners and masters in all matters, not as a nuisance. You dear brothers who are working in various governmental sectors and the judiciary, one of your first teachings to subordinates and something you hold them accountable for should be good behavior with the people. Truly, the people are the owners of the matter. Truly, the people are our benefactors and the officials of this system. This is not a formality. Some think that when the Imam said these things, he was being formal!

If these people did not go to the fronts with their lives and bodies and their children and did not defend, what would remain of this system? If these people, with all their being and in various ways, had not shown their support and backing for us over these twelve years, what would be the source of our power and honor in the world? What do we have that others do not? As a government, what do we have at our disposal that we can use and spend, but the powers and governments and tyrants and these arrogant ones and emperors of the world do not have? Is there anything other than the faith of a brave and risen nation? What is the support of this government other than the help of these people?

So, they are the owners of the matter. They were the ones who overthrew the Shah's regime. If these people did not listen to the Imam's command, did not go to the streets, and did not give their youth, you and I, who carry this honor with us that we were among the fighters of that time, would have had to fight in that way for a hundred years! It was the people who went to the streets and sacrificed their lives. Now that these people come to us, should we treat them like a nuisance that constantly bothers us?! This issue is not a moral issue.

My point is that arrangements should be made and a mechanism should be created so that government officials truly consider themselves servants and servants of the people; go and work and exert as much effort as is prescribed and determined for them and perform their duty; there should be no negligence.

A more fundamental point than these is our executive issues and policies; whether what is approved in the parliament, what is implemented in the government, and what is practiced in the judiciary. The important thing is that the overall direction of our policies in all these centers must be to secure and preserve the interests of the deprived and oppressed classes who, unfortunately, have been in the majority in our country for decades—if not more—and still are. The goal is to secure their interests.

I am not saying that we should act in a way that disrupts the economic situation and drives away those who want to take action and invest. No, policies must be wise and prudent; as, thanks be to God, they are in the arrangements that exist. There is no doubt about this. However, the issue is that in all the policies and methods you consider for implementation, you must see who ultimately benefits from this law, this method, and this regulation. Are those whose rights have been violated benefiting, or others? This is our Islamic perspective. Is it not?

We believe that in an Islamic system and in a society where blessings and bounties belong to all people, if there are those who are living in deprivation, their rights have certainly been violated and not given. By accepting this principle, now let's see who those who are in hardship and poverty and discomfort in terms of living conditions are, where they are located, and what percentage of our society they constitute; we must return their rights to them. This must be the axis of all our policies.

I mentioned that this issue starts from the parliament, is realized in the executive branch, and is guaranteed in the judiciary. The direction of movement of these three branches and all those working around them—like some institutions that do not have a specific affiliation with a particular apparatus—must be this. If we can precisely find and secure this direction of movement, then we feel that every action and step we take is a step that the Almighty God is pleased with.

In any case, there are multiple points regarding the issues of officials, which I have pointed out a few of them, and the summary of what I want to express in one sentence is that the officials of the Islamic government must move towards becoming a model and example in terms of faith; that is, an example of a religious revolutionary person who is self-controlled and acts for God. This is something that if there are many such individuals among our people, we must move towards having all the officials of our government be like this. This is a necessity of the Islamic government, and the Islamic government will become stable and continue with such individuals.

The second point is related to the unity of word. You know that in a collective movement, the unity of word guarantees all matters. Without the unity of word, a collective movement is not possible; even if that movement depends on five or ten people. If those same ten people do not speak and cooperate with each other, it is impossible for that work to progress.

The Islamic Republic system is a great divine movement. The dimensions of this movement are not confined to the borders of this country. This movement is not even limited to the current time barriers; it is a great historical movement. It must be such that other generations and contemporary Muslim nations learn from this movement, gain strength, and find their way.

This period is a strange period. The more one delves into this issue, the more one truly sees the grace and favor of God. The great phenomenon of religious governance—that too, the religion of Islam—has always been subject to calculated and precise hostility and enmity from enemies, and especially for two hundred years or more, people in the world have been planning and working against it. In these circumstances, suddenly the sapling of religious governance sprouted and grew in this land. That is, at a time of increasing power and more than ever the global powers, and this exclusive technology at their disposal—never have the powers of the world been so armed and had tools of pressure at their disposal—the Islamic Revolution in Iran was victorious; that too in a country where negative work had been done on its culture and spirit for many years. This was nothing but the grace and hidden hand of divine power; both its emergence and its progress and continuation until today. This was a point that our great Imam deeply believed in.

He once said in a situation: I have felt from the beginning of the revolution that at every stage, a hand of power helps us and guides us. It is truly so. Of course, the Almighty God does not send this hand of power randomly and aimlessly; rather, He sends it as a reward for a struggle and self-sacrifice; that is, the laws of history have not been disrupted. It is not that someone imagines that what has happened was random. No, what has happened is in accordance with the rules of the world; but not according to known material laws and rules; rather, the spiritual element in that work is effective and does the work.

Now in the face of this historical mission and this great event, we see the increasing hostility and enmity of the powers towards the Islamic Republic system. We may assume that today the danger of the great powers for the revolution and the country is less than at the beginning of the revolution; because today the Islamic system has taken root and its rightful word has spread in many parts of the world and has many supporters in the world; a lot of work has been done inside and it is established and settled in its work. We may assume this; but we do not want to make a definitive judgment on this matter. Today the danger is less; but the enmity and opposition and the opposing conclusion of the enemies of Islam are certainly more than at the beginning of the revolution.

It seems that at the beginning of the revolution, the dimensions of this popular and Islamic victory were not yet clear to many enemies. Today they understand what a great event this victory was. They see how Muslims all over the world feel a sense of personality. They observe what movements and uprisings have emerged and what forgotten ideals have been remembered and moved for. One of these is the issue of Palestine, which you observe. What new slogans have been made available to nations. They have observed these today. They even understand and feel well the role of this Islamic victory in hastening the decline of the Marxist empire and the Eastern bloc in the world. This revolution had a clear role in the collapse of that organization and that system and made it difficult for those administrators until it reached this point. Naturally, they observe these; therefore, their enmity and hostility are greater.

If the hostile enemy is awake against us, we must maintain our vigilance moment by moment. A moment of negligence is not permissible. The Commander of the Faithful (peace be upon him) said: "And whoever sleeps, his enemy does not sleep about him." If you are negligent, others will not be negligent about you; be careful.

In these specific temporal conditions, the great invasion and military deployment of our eternal enemies in this region is taking place. America is not thousands of kilometers away from us; it is right next to us and is present in the Persian Gulf. Today, the possibility of America's conspiracy with its equipment and presence against us inside the country is more than before. Today, the danger of various invasions from America and its allies against us is more than before. This is also the sensitive regional condition, which unfortunately, due to the weakness of the so-called Muslim governments in the region and their acceptance of humiliation and lack of spirit of faith and reliance, things have reached this point that when they feel threatened, instead of using their inherent power and finding the remedy within themselves, they resort to foreigners. He too desires this and deploys his army and comes here. If it were not in his interest, he would not come. He considers a great benefit for himself in these matters.

These are our sensitive conditions; that from the fundamental point of view, this from the regional and temporal point of view, and that from the importance of the unity of word. You saw that our great Imam, in various messages and speeches and private recommendations, emphasized so much on the unity of word.

I remember, in those years when the liberal sedition had attracted all the attention of this country, we often went to him; either we complained, or we had a task, or he had a task. In those meetings, the Imam repeatedly said that if you have disagreements and quarrels with each other, settle this quarrel within yourselves; why should it be raised in public?

Of course, when he said this, one group—which was us—listened and closed their mouths. You remember the late martyr Beheshti (may God be pleased with him). Despite being a person who had a lot to say and had a lot of power to say, he remained silent; but the other side, no. The Imam (may his soul be sanctified) maintained the unity and did not let the situation progress in that way. The issue of unity is so important.

A group of brothers from one faction, and a group from another faction, in the parliament or outside the parliament, have differences of opinion and taste and arguments with each other. Of course, it does not include all of you; I certainly know this. It has been repeatedly said, and everyone knows that some of these differences of opinion are also natural; but pay attention to one point that if these expressions of opinion— which seem very natural and in a society, especially in an Islamic and free society like ours, are inevitable, rather necessary—exceed their limits, it is certainly to the benefit of the enemy. In these factional and group oppositions with each other, you must maintain the limits.

The Imam once addressed the parliament and said to discuss like the debate of the seminarians. Those who were seminarians or are, know that seminarians sometimes speak harshly and violently with each other in the course of debate and say bad things to each other. If someone looks from the outside, they think that the animosity between them will never end for the rest of their lives. When the debate is over, everything is over; they sit together, drink tea, talk, and go on trips and outings together. The Imam told the parliament to discuss like this and do not let your differences—whatever faction you are from—reach a point where the enemy becomes happy.

The representatives of the Islamic Consultative Assembly speak directly from the parliament's podium—which is one of the honors of the Islamic Republic—and their voices are broadcast on the radio for several hours every week, and all people—both insiders and outsiders—can turn on the radio and listen. When our enemies sit by this radio and listen—which they certainly do, and more than anyone else, they are waiting for your speeches before the agenda—and see that a problematic strong word comes out of your mouth, they certainly become happy. They do not say that this individual is from this faction or that faction; they do not care about the good and bad of the two factions and do not understand factions at all. They only acknowledge one faction; they consider themselves in another faction.

In their view, there is one faction, which is the faction that believes in Islam and the Imam and Islamic goals and the Islamic Republic system. They consider both factions as part of this faction. Therefore, whatever you say, without considering which faction you are from, they become happy and say that in the enemy's ranks—they consider you the enemy; they are right—there is a whisper of discord. "In that is the joy of your enemy."

On the other hand, the hearts of your true friends are wounded. People open their radios in taxis, homes, and shops; when they see that someone is standing there and speaking to his opponent as if he is speaking to America, or to his blood enemy, and as if the enemy is not standing with all its might behind these gates, their hearts are wounded. God knows that in these phone calls that come here and are brought to me, or people from ordinary people and Friday prayer leaders who come to me, they express concern about this very issue. In these few years, including in this one or two recent years, they have repeatedly told me about this. Whoever says it, one has no answer. One of those things for which we have no answer is this. Be careful not to break the boundaries.

As I said, there are only two lines: one line is the line of the revolution and the supporters of the revolution and the Imam; the other line is the line of the enemies of this revolution. Now from various factions, from the extreme West to the former extreme East—which now all have become one—there are those who had various group, gang, party, and organizational affiliations with different places; but today they are all gathered under this disgraceful tent to oppose the Islamic Republic with all tools and various methods!

Today, in my opinion, the most dangerous thing inside is cultural methods; which unfortunately now there is no time to talk about the cultural issues of society. One of our most fundamental issues is cultural issues, and I feel that in managing the Islamic culture of this society, we are becoming—or have become—negligent and unconscious, which must be quickly and vigilantly remedied.

In the cultural, political, and economic front, a group of enemies of Islam and this system have gathered around. This is one line. The line of friends of the revolution, friends of the Imam, and lovers of this path—whether those who have a background or those who do not—is also one line. I do not want to create a distance between those who have backgrounds and those who do not. If someone has a background, it is ultimately for God and in His path. These young people who had no background in struggle were the ones who came in the revolution. In that period when we thought we were doing something, they were children; but they came and went ahead of us in the fields, and we do not even reach their dust. Therefore, those who believe in this system and work with faith are in another line. Wherever you are, in whatever organization you work, and whatever taste you have, you are part of this faction; do not forget this. Whatever political creed and—as it is commonly expressed—whatever political line you have, you are part of this faction; always remember this.

Intra-group differences and internal arguments are permissible only to the extent that they do not destabilize this line against that opposing line. Be aware, do not question yourselves and "one on the branch and cutting the root," do not be. Our honor, life, survival, and great sacred aspirations depend on it; this must be preserved. Once you have passed this stage, it is natural that everyone has a view and a thought and says something—there is no problem—but expose each other less, or do not.

The late Imam (may God have mercy on him) once said, if someone is insulted in this parliament, they have the right to come to the parliament and defend themselves. Brothers and sisters who were in that parliament must remember. The will and message of the Imam are also available. Whatever the Imam said about the parliament, implement them word for word. They are eternal lessons.

The Imam (may his soul be sanctified) was truly a sage in the true sense of the word. The Almighty God had given him wisdom in the true sense of "And We gave Luqman wisdom." He truly had insight. Many things that we sometimes did not even see with precision, he observed them in an ordinary glance. His words arose from such a heart and such wisdom.

I also consider myself a servant of you and a servant of these people, and if this title of servitude applies to me, I am proud of it. I even truly consider myself smaller than this expression of servitude. Because the Imam repeatedly said "I am a student," I do not allow myself to use this expression and say I am a student; otherwise, apart from this statement of the Imam, it is truly so, and we are a student and an ordinary person; although now we have a duty and we must perform it.

My view of the various brothers in both factions is this view. When I speak of factions, I do not address everyone. I know that many of you are outside these factional divisions. Nevertheless, my view of those brothers who are in these factional divisions and are in each of these lines and factions is this view. I consider both of you as part of this faction and this main line and believe that both of you are equally indebted and obligated to this revolution.

We do not have a claim from the revolution; no one has a claim. "They consider it a favor to you that they have accepted Islam. Say: Do not consider your Islam a favor to me; rather, God has conferred a favor upon you that He has guided you to faith." The Almighty God gave the opportunity so that we could move and work in the forefront of this revolution. We are indebted to this revolution. We are not creditors of this revolution; but the Muslims of the world and our general people are creditors of this revolution; although fortunately, they too do not feel indebted in this revolution and consider themselves soldiers of the revolution.

All of you, wherever you are, are equally responsible for guarding and protecting this system and solving the problems of this country. If we cannot solve the problems of this country, we cannot preserve the revolution and naturally cannot export it. Everyone is obligated to help the country's officials and especially the government. This is a duty. This is the same thing that the Imam always said during his nearly eleven years of blessed leadership and exceptional leadership. The strange thing is that he did not look at who was at the head of the government. Once we were supposed to introduce a prime minister. He told me, whoever comes out of the parliament, I will support and defend him. He did not know who would come out; but he said whoever comes and whatever government is formed, I will support it.

The heavy burden of running the country is on the shoulders of the serving and working organs. The parliament and the judiciary bear part of this burden; but most of this burden is on the shoulders of the government. The most fundamental burdens are on the shoulders of the government; therefore, everyone is obligated to support the government. This is not an excessive expectation. Whoever and wherever you are, in whatever section you work, from whatever line you are, whatever your political emotions and aspirations and feelings are—all of which are good; emotions and feelings are not a bad thing—whatever your tastes are—now a little better, a little worse, a little more correct; everyone has an opinion—it does not matter, everyone is obligated to work and strive and support the government and responsible apparatuses, so that knots are untied, problems are removed, and the revolution maintains its brilliance and radiance.

May the Almighty God, God willing, purify our intentions; illuminate our hearts with the light of His guidance; not leave us to ourselves for a moment; make our hearts more kind to each other; keep the whisper of the malicious and devils away from this revolution; turn the evil of the enemies back to themselves; keep the Islamic system more and more firm; make the holy heart of the Imam of the Age (may God hasten his reappearance) pleased and satisfied with us; include the prayer of that great one for us; gather the heavenly spirit of our dear and great Imam—who has the right of life over this country and this nation and especially us—with the saints and the pure ones from the family of Muhammad (peace be upon them), and make his spirit pleased and satisfied with us.

Peace be upon you and God's mercy and blessings