Statements in Meeting with the President and Representatives of the Islamic Consultative Assembly on the Occasion of the Start of the Tenth Term of the Islamic Consultative Assembly

In the Name of God, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful

Thanks be to God, the Lord of the worlds, and peace and blessings be upon our master and prophet, Abu al-Qasim al-Mustafa Muhammad, and upon his pure and chosen progeny, especially the Awaited One on earth.

Welcome, dear brothers and sisters, who will have a decisive role, God willing, in the advancement of the country, and you are components of one of the greatest pillars of the country and the revolution. We congratulate you all for achieving this success, and thanks be to God, the Almighty has granted you the opportunity to occupy this lofty position.

Let me say a preliminary sentence. Well, we are in the last days of Sha'ban and approaching the month of Ramadan. Let us direct our hearts towards God's pleasure and divine responsibility. I tell you: dear brothers and sisters! Appreciate this position and know that it is very fleeting; that is, before we realize it, four years will have passed. Just like our lives; our lives are the same; when a person looks back, they see that this period has passed like lightning, and the joys, hardships, bitterness, sweetness, pleasures, and pains have all ended. If in this long scroll—now consider for someone like me who is seventy or eighty years old—one has been able to place a point that can be accounted for before the Almighty God and have hope in it, well, that is better; but if, God forbid, there is nothing in this long scroll that can be defended before the Almighty God—because a person will be held accountable—then life will be a loss; just as it is said, "Indeed, mankind is in loss, except for those who have faith and do righteous deeds"; faith and righteous deeds; if this righteous deed and this faith have existed in this collection of our past life, then yes, there is no loss; to that extent, there is profit; but if, God forbid, it is not there or when a person accounts for it, they see that it can be contested and disputed, then the person's situation becomes very difficult; very.

In the noble supplication of Abu Hamzeh, the Prophet [Ali (peace be upon him)] says to the Almighty God: "O God, have mercy on me when my argument is cut off and my tongue fails to respond to You, and my mind is bewildered at Your questioning of me"; when You question me, I have no answer to give You—people inquire about a person's deeds; a person must be able to respond—my tongue fails to respond, I cannot answer, and my argument is cut off, and my reasoning comes to an end—people have certain reasoning in their minds: "I did this for this reason, I did that for that reason"; then when each of these is answered, a person finds themselves empty of reasoning—and my mind, my heart, my soul remains bewildered and confused in the face of these continuous questions that will be posed to me; this is how it becomes. I have experienced this myself; this is my experience, now I did not want to say it; but now it has come to my mind, it has come to my tongue, I mention it. In the year 60, when that unfortunate incident occurred for me in Abu Zar Mosque, well, I lost consciousness. Then I was lifted, and while they were taking me from inside the mosque to the car, I regained consciousness two or three times and then lost consciousness again until finally I became completely unconscious. In those two or three times that I regained consciousness, I felt that this was the last moment, that is, I completely felt that the moment of death was at hand. Suddenly, all my past life was manifested before my eyes. I thought to myself, well, what do I have to present? No matter how much I thought, I saw that all of it could be contested. Well, we fought, went to prison, were beaten, taught, worked hard—these are the things that come to a person's mind—at that moment I saw that all of these could be contested; [they could say] in such and such a matter, perhaps a non-divine intention has mixed with your intention; nothing; it was all gone! Suddenly, I felt that I was suspended between heaven and earth, like a person whose hands are tied to nothing. I said, "O Lord! My situation is like this, You see, apparently I have nothing; as I account for it, I see that I have nothing, unless You have mercy." This state occurs for a person. Let us try to take advantage of these opportunities.

You have a good opportunity; four years in the Islamic Consultative Assembly, where the administration of the country and legislation of the country takes place. The importance of this legislation is very great; this is truly, as we have repeatedly said, the rail-laying. You first lay the rails for the government's movement, then with the powers that the Constitution has given you—which includes investigation and inquiry as explicitly stated in the Constitution—you can ensure that this movement takes place. It is not merely a recommendation; according to the law, you can pursue it, investigate it, inquire about it; it does not contradict cooperation with the government. My belief is that the Assembly should cooperate with the government; however, this cooperation does not mean relinquishing the rights of the Assembly; you must ensure your rights; investigate, inquire, hold accountable as to why it did not happen, why it was reduced, why it was done differently. This is a very important opportunity; appreciate it.

At the beginning of the revolution, when the discussion of electing a president was ongoing and various candidates were constantly being proposed, I and another friend of ours went from Tehran to Qom to see the Imam—at that time he was in Qom—during a very difficult time, he was inside, and however it was, we said we must see the Imam. Because the Imam had said that clerics should not be proposed as candidates for the presidency; we went to discuss with the Imam, to argue that no, you should lift this prohibition so that we can propose Mr. Beheshti; in our opinion, he was better than all, martyr Beheshti (may God be pleased with him); we went to discuss this matter with him. We said a little and listened, and he said some things, we said some things; then he told us to go and hold the Assembly; go after the Assembly; at that time, the elections for the Assembly had not yet been held; he said go after the Assembly, the Assembly is important. His recommendation to us—me and that friend of mine—was this; that is, do not insist on the issue of the government; the Assembly was more important to him than the government and the executive branch. Well, now ask God; truly seek help! Ramadan is approaching; fasting is an opportunity, prayer is an opportunity, staying awake at nights is an opportunity, the night prayer that believers usually have more success in these nights is an opportunity; pray, supplicate, and ask God to grant you success in being able to carry out this great task, God willing.

Well, I will mention a few points: one about the main duty of the Assembly and the importance of the Assembly; one about the issue of law; one specifically in the field of economy; one specifically in the field of culture; and one in the field of general policies and foreign policy issues; I will mention a few sentences like this, God willing.

In the Constitution, you are obliged to defend the achievements of the revolution and the principles of Islam; it was in your oath. I mentioned in my message to you that this oath is a true oath; that is, if this oath is violated, it has a penalty. You have sworn to preserve the principles of Islam and the achievements of the revolution; well, this is important. When will this be possible? When the Assembly is truly at the forefront of affairs; this task is in your hands. "The Assembly is at the forefront of affairs" is not a mere formality; no, the Assembly must truly be at the forefront of affairs; that is, it must decide and that decision must be executed. Of course, I must tell you that in various governments—both this current government and the previous government and all previous governments; all of them after the passing of the Imam; and during the time of the Imam, my own government—there were times when we got stuck in certain situations, and now governments get stuck in that they use the powers of the Guardian of the Islamic Jurist; this is the case, but in those cases, I repeatedly intended to ensure that as much as possible, the Assembly's resolutions were not undermined. One of the past governments came with something they wanted that was directly contrary to the budget law of that year; at that time, there was no program law, there was a budget law. No matter how much they insisted, I did not agree; although they had problems, I said we have an Assembly that has sat and decided and approved the budget law with all this effort, now you come with one word to turn the whole law from this side to that side; that cannot be. The Assembly must be placed at the forefront of affairs. The respect of the Assembly, the dignity of the Assembly, the majesty of the Assembly must be preserved.

Once—I think either with Mr. Larijani or one of the heads of the Assembly—I said that from the beginning of the Constitutional Revolution, it was like this until Reza Khan came to power. When Reza Khan came, the Assembly and law and legislation all turned to smoke and went into the air; but before Reza Khan's arrival—when the issue of legislation and the Assembly and the Consultative Assembly was just coming up; apparently in the second or third term of the Assembly; after all, before Reza Khan's rise to power—the head of the Assembly was Motamen al-Molk, who was one of the reputable figures of the Qajar era, and the brother of Motamen al-Molk was the Prime Minister, who was Moshir al-Dowleh. He was also one of the reputable figures; that is, these two brothers were among the relatively reputable figures of the Qajar and early Pahlavi periods. So the elder brother, who was Moshir al-Dowleh, was the head of the government, the Prime Minister; Motamen al-Molk—the younger brother—was the head of the Assembly. The Prime Minister asked for time from the Assembly to come there and give a report; for example, at eight in the morning, to give a speech. Eight o'clock came, Moshir al-Dowleh did not arrive; Motamen al-Molk looked at his watch, saw that five minutes had passed eight, and said do not let the Prime Minister in; do not let the Prime Minister in; five minutes later, Moshir al-Dowleh arrived at the Assembly, and they did not let him in! This is how it is. The Prime Minister was five minutes late from the appointed time, and the head of the Assembly, who was his brother—the younger brother—did not let him in; this is the power of the Assembly, the majesty of the Assembly; this must be preserved. This is in your hands, and you can do this.

One of the things that can truly ensure and guarantee this in the Assembly is the Assembly's oversight over itself; I mentioned this in the eighth Assembly. The Assembly must oversee itself. After all, the Assembly is made up of a number of humans; we all humans are prone to error; that is, it is no joke, it does not differentiate between big and small, old and young; we are all prone to error and slip-ups. Who should prevent this slip-up? The Assembly itself. Various types of slip-ups are conceivable; if the Assembly oversees itself, prevents the representative's slip-up, and the representative can maintain their purity and integrity over these years, then their tongue will be free; then they can express any point of objection they see anywhere; this must be observed by the Assembly. I urge you not to underestimate the issue of self-monitoring, self-oversight of the Assembly. Preserve this.

Well, one issue regarding the law. Legislation is your main duty, but the law can be enacted in two ways: good and bad; good legislation can be done, bad legislation can be done. Merely being good or bad does not depend on whether the law is good or bad; no, sometimes you enact a good law, but this enactment is bad; why? Because the quality of enacting this law has not been observed, coherence with other laws has not been maintained, and clarity in the law has not been observed. First of all, the law must be of high quality; increasing the number of laws, having many laws does not impress; the law must be of high quality. Now that Mr. Dr. Larijani mentioned the existence of various specialties, I am truly pleased; thanks be to God! The presence of specialists and knowledgeable, wise individuals in the Assembly is very valuable for this purpose; ensure that first, the law is sound, the law has soundness; that is, the reasons for enacting this law should be such that anyone looking at it sees that yes, this law is a sound law. It must be comprehensive; a narrow view and lack of attention to various aspects will deprive the law of its utility. It must be clear; it should not be such that repeated amendments are needed, that inquiries constantly come to the Assembly; when the law is not clear, when it is not comprehensive, inquiries keep coming asking whether this was your intention or that; sometimes the result of the inquiry that the Assembly issues is contrary to the content of the law itself; well, this law is not a good law; that is, the content of the law may be good, but the legislation is not good, it is bad legislation. Therefore, the law must have quality.

Also, the conflict of laws; one of the issues we face is the issue of the accumulation of laws; we have so many laws in various matters! Now Mr. Dr. Larijani referred to the issue of land use; land use was raised in the cabinet during my presidency; during my presidency, which now thirty years, thirty-some years have passed, the issue of land use was raised in the government—that we discussed the word land use, what it is, what its root is—and it was decided to pursue it; it has been pursued in all governments, but it has still not been implemented. Well, now we have also enacted laws for land use; now you come and add several other laws on top of that! Shortcuts must be taken. Suppose now you want to take advantage of the blessings of land use and the familiarity you gain with the talents and capacities of provinces or regions; very well, now if this does not happen, there is another way alongside this. Well, it is true that scientific land use, for example, has not occurred in Khorasan province, but the governor there and the local officials know something about the talents of that province that someone sitting in the center does not know; this itself is an opportunity; let this be utilized. Therefore, I want to say that the accumulation of laws and the increase in the quantity of laws is not a virtue; the main thing is that the law must have quality; it must be comprehensive.

Prevent laws that pave the way for corruption, that is, be very careful. One of the things that is not specific to our Assembly—of course, sometimes it has happened in our Assembly; I remember a few times in these years—but it is common in assemblies around the world, is that a law is passed and ten days later it is repealed; in these ten days, individuals reach billions! A corruption-inducing law. That is, this law is such that suppose it prohibits the sale of something, prohibits the import of something, or prohibits the export of something; the one who should benefit from this prohibition benefits, and then ten days later it is freed; individuals suddenly reach billions. Such laws exist; be careful that the law that is enacted is anti-corruption.

One issue regarding the law is that we must prioritize national interests over regional issues. Of course, you who have come from different regions of the country, well, the people have expectations from you; expectations are not entirely acceptable, they are somewhat acceptable, but the idea that you who came from there will solve their roads, their water, their electricity, their government budget, everything, no, well, that is not possible. You naturally feel obliged to pay some attention to the demands and expectations of the people of the region. Well, to some extent, that is not a problem, but to the extent that it does not conflict with national interests; sometimes it conflicts with national interests; suppose in a certain province there is insistence on creating an airport—well, an airport is one of the costly things; among the costly infrastructure issues, one is an airport—suppose they need an airport. You look and see that well, this airport is really not necessary for this place; yes, it is an advantage for that place, but there are airports nearby on either side; for example, let us not spend the country's money, the country's capabilities, the opportunities of the country on something that is not a priority! Here you must prioritize the national interest over that issue and the regional and local interest. Therefore, I am not saying to completely disregard regional demands, which such a thing is not possible, but wherever it conflicts with national interests, you must certainly observe national interests in legislation.

Another point I want to mention regarding the law is that you should utilize expertise. One of the important sections where you can utilize expertise is the government body. The government has good experts in various sectors. The expertise of the government body—whether it is the planning organization or other places—must certainly be utilized in various sectors; but it is not limited to them; outside the government, you can also observe, in the field of economic issues—of which I will briefly mention—there are individuals who are not in the government, who are in universities, teaching, or are economists; they are experts. The expertise of the experts must certainly be utilized for decision-making.

With the high-level documents and policies that are announced, try to ensure that the law is in accordance. Now, for example, the sixth program is on your agenda; it is very important; I must say this. The sixth program is extremely important; there is no room for negligence and oversight regarding this program; that is, it must truly be completed well and accurately. Well, the situation is a special one; both economically and politically; the situation of the country is currently special, and the program you set for five years must be a program that is truly complete in every sense. Well, naturally, when this program is set, it becomes part of the high-level documents; the law you want to enact must conform to this program or to other programs, for example, the general policies of Article 44 and the like.

Well, now this is regarding legislation that you, God willing, will pay attention to this point. Of course, I see that some friends write in newspapers and the like that yes, many of those who have entered the Assembly have no experience and do not know the Assembly; in my opinion, this is not a threat, this is an opportunity; elections and transitions themselves are an opportunity; that individuals with fresh blood come into the field who are not accustomed to the Assembly, and there are some from before who transfer their experiences to them—that is, this combination of old and new—this is a good thing in assemblies, this is an opportunity; take advantage of this opportunity as much as you can; with enthusiasm and interest and well, utilizing the experiences that others have. This is in the field of issues related to law, which I believe is more important than anything else.

Regarding the economy; see, dear brothers, dear sisters! The issue of the economy is a main issue in our country; not just today, as I have been emphasizing the issue of the economy for five or six years. Five or six years ago, in my first speech of the year—during the New Year—I said we are being threatened from two fronts, one of which—perhaps more important—is from the economy. The reality is that; at that time, the sanctions had not yet been imposed. The enemy has used the economy as a weapon against us, and we may have shown a bit of naivety and demonstrated that we are very afraid and upset by this weapon; thus, they have been encouraged more and found their way. In any case, the issue of the economy is a very important one; we must solve the country's economic issues. Of course, the execution is the responsibility of the government; it is the government that must work in the field and in the middle of the field, but you can help a lot in this regard. The important focus must be on the issue of recession, on the issue of domestic production; domestic production is very important. A few days ago, I mentioned in a discussion that every action the government takes in the field of economic issues must be clear to us as to where it fits into the resistant economy. The resistant economy is a table made up of multiple boxes; every action we take must be clear as to which box it fills. A transaction the government wanted to make, our office contacted them and asked the relevant official where this fits into the resistant economy; they must explain, they must clarify where this fits into the resistant economy; it must not be against the resistant economy, nor neutral; not just opposition. Therefore, the issue of domestic production is very important; remedying the recession is very important.

The issue of employment, which is dependent on this issue of domestic production and similar issues, is very important. We all keep saying; the government says, the Assembly says, the free economist in the newspaper says that a certain percentage of factories are closed or are operating at less than half capacity. Well, what will happen? Ultimately, these must get going, they must work; if they work, employment will be created. This embarrassment and shame of the system from the unemployment of the youth, from the embarrassment of that youth at home is greater; you must know this. I myself feel ashamed when I think of this unemployed youth. In some counties, unemployment is high. Of course, we determine the rate or percentage of unemployment somewhat; now twelve percent or ten percent—whatever is said now—but this is an average. When one sees this, they feel ashamed; that is, my shame from observing this statistic and studying this reality is no less than the shame of that unemployed youth who goes home with nothing in their hands; rather, it is more; this must be resolved.

The issue of smuggling, which has been mentioned and I have also repeatedly referred to, is very serious; that is, smuggling is a dagger that is stabbed in the back of the system. A number of individuals, for their personal interests, trample on the interests of the country with smuggling; this must be fought against, this must be confronted. Of course, it is obvious that this confrontation is not easy; because those who have billion-dollar incomes from smuggling do not easily give up. Confrontation must be made; this confrontation must be made by the government, but the backing of this governmental confrontation is the Assembly; you are the ones who must want it, must decide, must plan. This is also regarding the issues related to the economy.

The next issue is the issue of culture. Of course, culture, in the long term, is much more important than the economy; the economy is our immediate and current priority, but the issue of culture is a continuous and very important issue; it is even important in the issue of the economy. Dear brothers, dear sisters! In the issue of culture, I feel a kind of laxity; in cultural institutions—both governmental and non-governmental—there is a kind of laxity and indifference regarding culture; whether in producing useful cultural goods, where we fall short, or in preventing the production of harmful cultural goods, where we fall short. The importance of cultural goods is no less than that of physical consumer goods; it is more. Suppose they keep repeating that a certain type of snack is harmful, do not eat it; now how harmful is it, what kind of harm does it cause, how much harm does it have for what percentage of people? They constantly say this, but no one dares to say that a certain type of film or a certain type of book or a certain type of computer game or similar things should not be produced for fear of being accused of blocking the freedom of information and the free flow of information. Those who are the basis of these statements are stricter than us in these matters; believe this. Now, the freest areas in the world regarding information are, for example, Western governments, including the United States; from the precise and clear news that comes from America regarding the control of individuals' information and pinpointing those things that the system is sensitive about, one is truly astonished; we do not have one-tenth of that control over information and do not do it. The moment a film is banned here or suppose a computer game is limited or banned, they immediately raise a clamor, and we also believe it; we also believe that we have truly made a mistake. No, dear friends, we must be careful! Our duty is to produce useful cultural goods and prevent harmful cultural goods. I feel a kind of laxity in this regard; you must keep this in mind and give it importance.

Regarding policies. Well, you are the Islamic Consultative Assembly, a revolutionary institution; the Islamic Consultative Assembly is a revolutionary institution that has emerged from the revolution; you must act revolutionarily, you must be revolutionary and remain so. Of course, being revolutionary has its forms, its aspects; the day before yesterday at the Imam's shrine, I spoke a little about these matters; if you were there or if you listened or if you heard, you know. After all, the revolution has certain rules, certain principles. In any case, you must act revolutionarily in legislation, in positioning; positioning also has two types: one is your personal positioning that shows itself in your speeches, the other is public positioning. The ninth Assembly had a good record in this regard. In terms of confronting and facing political currents that are opposed and threatening to the revolution, there must be positioning, there must be a stance. You see, for example, now the U.S. Congress—the U.S. government certainly has a completely hostile attitude towards us; I say this not out of fanaticism, nor out of guesswork, but based on clear and precise information; the U.S. government's behavior towards the Islamic Republic is extremely hostile—they object to the U.S. government that you are being lenient with Iran; they constantly issue resolutions and speak and do what they do. Well, who should respond to them? Who should come to the field against them? Who should shut their mouths? The enemy calculates based on reactions in the political arena. If they say something and you remain silent, they calculate one way; if you remain silent and lower your head, they calculate another way; if you remain silent and lower your head and also mutter to yourself, they calculate yet another way; but if you hold your head high and respond, they calculate differently. If the enemy feels that you are passive, that you are retreating, they will not back down. In politics, there is no such thing as "backing down"; they will continually come forward with their demands; in various matters, which is the case with the recent nuclear negotiations; you see! They keep making demands, they want more, they threaten. The same words they used back then regarding the nuclear movement and enrichment and twenty percent and such—that the option of war is on the table and all that—they are now repeating those same words again; both their government officials are repeating them, and their congressional members are repeating them, and the candidates for the upcoming presidency are repeating them; these two or three candidates who are now on the scene and have remained, they are even repeating that if we come to power, we will do this and that!

One point that [must be] paid great attention to by those friends: see, we have some faults within the country, we have ethnic faults, we have ideological faults, Sunni and Shia, for example, we have factional faults—these factions that exist, which you see—these faults do not cause earthquakes as long as they remain inactive; there is no problem with having differences. If these faults become active, then an earthquake will occur; the enemy's effort is to activate these faults; be careful. They are constantly stoking the fire of differences to make it more inflamed and ignited; try to prevent this from happening. You can have your opinion; one faction is "A", another faction is "B", another faction is so-and-so, well, let them be, there is no problem. But if this leads to verbal disputes [that result in] verbal conflicts, which sometimes lead to physical conflicts—"For indeed, war begins with the tongue"; all wars generally start with words—well, be careful that the enemy does not activate these faults. One of the important points is this. There is no problem if you vote in the Assembly on a certain political issue according to your own political perspective, and another does so according to their own policy; but do not turn this into a fight, do not turn it into a dispute; I maintain the same thing between the government and non-government; including the government and the Assembly, the government and the people. It is possible that the people do not agree with the policies of a government—either most of its policies, or all of its policies, or some of its policies—there is no problem. Who does not have opponents? Who does not have dissenters and critics? We all have opponents, dissenters, and critics; there is no problem. The problem arises when this opposition leads to physical confrontations; this must be prevented from happening in the Assembly; if tension arises in the Assembly—as we have had in some periods where tension arose in the Assembly—this tension spills over to the nation, creating tension among the people; even psychologically. If there is calm in the Assembly, this calm will spill over to the people, and this calm is very important; "He it is Who sent down tranquility into the hearts of the believers that they might add faith to their faith." The essence of tranquility is this; tranquility means that calmness, spiritual calmness; not being stormy. This allows for "that they might add faith to their faith"; this gives a very important and significant opportunity for increasing faith. Well, the enemy tries to accuse Islamic Iran in the public opinion of the world, internally, they try to activate the faults, and in the region—this region of West Asia—the enemy's effort is to carry out its sensitive and important plans for this sensitive region and neutralize the obstacle—which is the Islamic Iran that prevents the realization of their plans; this is the enemy's effort. They have plans regarding Iraq, they have plans regarding Syria, they have plans regarding Palestine, they have plans regarding Lebanon; specific plans. One day, they let slip the name of the new Middle East and the great Middle East; that lady who was at the head of their foreign policy said that years ago. They made a mistake; but they said it. This, in their terms, the "Middle East"—which this term is a wrong term and completely arises from the arrogant Western thought, meaning whatever is closer to the West and Europe is called the Near East; whatever is far is the Far East; whatever is in between is the Middle East; that is, the standard is Europe, now Asia of this vastness is not the standard—that they now refer to as the "great Middle East" and the "new Middle East"; they have plans for this region; the reason is that this region is very sensitive in various respects; in terms of the existence of Muslims, the existence of Islam, in terms of the existence of the Zionist regime, in terms of the existence of the vast oil resources here, in terms of the existence of important waterways in this area—the Strait of Hormuz is here, the Strait of Bab-el-Mandeb is here, several important straits are in this region; these straits are very important in the world, in terms of geopolitical significance, they are very important—therefore, they are sensitive about this region; they have plans, they have maps; they want to pursue their plans without obstacles and without pain. The Islamic Republic has now intervened and blocked their plans; they wanted to swallow Iraq; the Islamic Republic did not allow it. They are upset about this; their plans have been disrupted; they wanted to swallow Iraq. Iraq is a very wealthy country; do you know? Iraq is very wealthy; they wanted to swallow Iraq and, by dominating Iraq, constantly threaten Iran. Just as they wanted to threaten from the east in another way; their goal was this. The policies of the Islamic Republic have prevented this and have not allowed it. Well, they are trying to eliminate this obstacle; a similar situation exists in Syria, a similar situation exists in Palestine; these are their policies; you must stand against these policies. Expose the face of global arrogance; reveal the truths that you have or will have regarding global arrogance and the system of domination; speak out; create an atmosphere; in your speeches, in your public positioning.

And be careful that your words and actions do not assist the goals of America. We have sometimes had cases in the past where a member of the Assembly said something that was one hundred percent in service of the goals of the Zionist regime. I mean one hundred percent, not ninety percent! It was as if they dictated their exact words to him, and he reflected them here. We have had such cases, of course rarely; be careful that such things do not happen.

Well, it has become very lengthy; I do not usually intend to speak much in this session. God willing, may God grant you success and assist you. We pray for you; just as Mr. Dr. Larijani said, I truly pray for you, dear brothers and sisters; you also pray for us so that, God willing, we can carry this burden that is heavy and not easy.

O Lord! By the right of Muhammad and the family of Muhammad, provide the means for Your satisfaction with us; grant us success in gaining Your satisfaction; make the heart of the Awaited One (may our souls be sacrificed for him) pleased and content with us; unite our dear martyrs with the Prophet.

Peace be upon you and God's mercy and blessings.