Excerpt from Statements in the New Year Meeting with a Group of Officials

This session is among the few meetings where I know almost all the attendees. Many of the sessions held here involve crowds that I often do not know; I may recognize some by name, but I do not know them personally. This session is one of the few where I know almost all the friends and brothers, and perhaps sisters—though one does not accurately identify the sisters. I have worked with many of you; that is, over these many years, we have collaborated, exchanged ideas, and worked together. For this reason, this session is sweet for me, and I hope that, God willing, the Almighty grants you success and that you continue your work in the best manner.

Another aspect of this session is that it encompasses various thoughts, perspectives, and political inclinations. I see a beautiful mosaic here. Thank God, there is a variety of opinions. This diversity—know that this is my definitive opinion; those who have worked with me for years know this view—is a desirable thing, not an undesirable one. Of course, provided that we do not act naively or childishly, and do not turn minor differences into major disputes, sometimes fundamental ones, as one sees in some other countries where minor disagreements escalate into significant conflicts. Such conflicts begin with words but do not end there.

Some years ago, various journalists came here, and among them were individuals of different backgrounds; at that time, the term "dissident" had just become popular. I said I do not accept this term at all. Dissidence is not a crime; it is merely a way of thinking. You think one way, and your friend thinks another way on various issues; there is no problem with that. However, there is one condition. Aside from the condition I mentioned—that they do not clash—another condition is that everyone must be aware of the Revolution. The issue of the Revolution must be taken seriously. This is important. These small and large rivers from various sides must flow into this ocean of the Revolution, benefiting the Revolution.

The Resistance Economy is a comprehensive concept that encompasses everything from the scientific realm to technical activities, services, trade, imports and exports, and education in universities and high schools. If we take it seriously, for instance, suppose a report comes in; I do not know, a certain device or tool or part that is very important and has a lot of applications—let's say a technical device is being manufactured by us, and it is being made well, as in the case of MAPNA, Mr. Aliabadi is sitting here, for example; then we import it. This is bad. This contradicts the direction of the Resistance Economy. The Resistance Economy negates such actions. The Resistance Economy has a positive aspect and a negative aspect. Its positive aspect is that we learn to turn towards domestic production. The main focus is on production.

The prohibitions are more important. The prohibitions of the Resistance Economy are more significant. There are certain actions that should not be taken. Identifying these prohibitions is very important. Then, having the courage to act against these prohibitions is also very important. In the field of trade, there are significant examples; in industrial and technical fields, it is the same; in university education, it is the same. The Resistance Economy means that the Revolution must demonstrate that the inner identity of this country and this nation can manage itself, grow, and elevate itself. This is the meaning of the Resistance Economy. This must be realized.

You can all help. Truly, each of you can assist in your various sectors, both within your own subordinates and those within your sphere of influence. For instance, a member of parliament in the parliament, a head of a certain institution in that institution, various officials in different sectors, educational sectors, scientific sectors, and so on. This is the foundation of the work. If this does not happen—if we do not rely on our internal capabilities and do not extract that treasure, this vast mine—if we do not extract this mine or allow what has been extracted to deteriorate and collapse, then we will become dependent on the outside. Dependence on the outside is a very dangerous thing. As soon as they feel that you are in need, a nation is in need, they exert pressure, increase the pressure, kick you, and humiliate you. It is not the case that you can simply tell a certain arrogant government, "Alright, we will no longer deal with you; you do not deal with us either." The matter does not end like that. We do not have anything to do with you; this statement has no meaning in global and international issues and the opposition of powers and the alignment of power fronts. We must prevent it. We must stop it; otherwise, it will advance. This is the point.

The reason we repeatedly discuss foreign issues, foreign policy, and global arrogance in public and private speeches is because of this. It is not that we oppose relations with a certain country—whether it is a European country, an Asian country, or an African country—no, those who have worked with me know. I have never opposed such relations; rather, I have always encouraged such communications from the beginning, and I still do. I continuously encourage government officials to increase communications. However, communication with whom? With whom do we want to establish relations? What motivation does the person we want to communicate with have? What capabilities do we have in the face of their motivation? These must be calculated; it cannot be done without calculation. This is the point; the Resistance Economy is essentially this. The discussion of confronting global arrogance in its essence and identity is no different from the Resistance Economy in the economic sector; it is nothing else. Cultural independence, which I have always emphasized for years, is also part of this. But now the discussion is about the economy. For years, the issue of the economy has been our primary concern. This discussion of resisting global arrogance and the conflict with those who move against this direction, admonishing America and others, is in fact the other side of the coin of the Resistance Economy. If you want the Resistance Economy to be realized, it cannot happen without this. It cannot happen without this. The other side has many tools of power, has many capabilities; we do not underestimate the enemy at all and know who the enemy is, what it is, and how capable it is. However, we cannot neglect our own capabilities; we also have many capabilities. They may be of a different kind, but they are capabilities. The reason for the capability is that they have been thirsty for the blood of Imam Khomeini (may his soul be sanctified) and the blood of this Revolution from the very beginning. Now, for thirty-seven years, this Revolution has been growing day by day; thus, we are capable of having grown. If there were no capability, there would be no growth. Therefore, this is capability. This is the best evidence of the possibility of something, of the likelihood of something; the occurrence of that thing itself is the evidence. It has already happened. We have been moving forward, working, and standing firm for thirty-seven years. My point is this. Follow this up. Follow both sides of the coin; pursue it in the parliament, pursue it in the government, pursue it in various sectors of institutions. You have connections, you are familiar, you know the officials, you have been in responsibility for years, you have been together, especially follow it in universities, follow it in cultural environments. This is our message. If this happens, then, God willing, the New Year will truly be a blessed one. What we said to you, may God bless you, is indeed all contained in this "blessed"; I thank all of you.