21 /بهمن/ 1380
Statements of the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution at the End of the Advanced Jurisprudence Class
In the Name of God, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful
Today, I wish to take a moment during our discussion to speak about the very important event of the 22nd of Bahman (February 11) — an occasion we are approaching.
Much has been said about the victory of the revolution and the 22nd of Bahman; however, the truth is that the significance, greatness, and dimensions of this event are not yet fully clear to us. We know and see that this event is monumental; yet, when we are close to it, we cannot fully grasp its dimensions. History will judge. Those who observe this event from a distance and can see it in the context of historical events will understand how significant this moment is.
The event of the 22nd of Bahman and the victory of the revolution marked the end of the humiliation of the Iranian nation. For centuries, the Iranian people had been humiliated. At one time, they were humiliated by tyrannical monarchs; that is, in ancient times when colonialism and foreign influence were not yet present, there were kings — some powerful, some weak and incompetent — but without exception, all of them humiliated this nation. If you refer to the memoirs written by some of these monarchs or their children and princes, you will see that their perception was that Iran belonged to them; a bunch of subjects worked for them in this land. Did they have rights? No. Was their will considered? No. Therefore, their perception of the nation, the country, and themselves was profoundly erroneous and disgraceful. They truly believed that this land was theirs; if someone from the nation rendered a service or accomplished something, they thought it was merely their duty. Those who fell short were seen as rebels who had harmed the interests of the powerful and tyrannical rulers!
In another period, which began almost after the Constitutional Revolution, this mindset did not entirely dissipate and persisted until the end of the monarchy. For instance, the Pahlavi monarchs, despite claiming modernity and wanting to appear familiar with global concepts, held no other view in their minds; they considered the country to belong to themselves and saw themselves as the owners of the country and the architects of this nation's destiny.
In recent times, another aspect was added: foreign influence, which began in the late Qajar period and reached its peak during the Pahlavis; because the British brought Reza Khan to power and prepared the groundwork for his rule; they maintained control over his actions and dictated how he should proceed. After him, they again brought his son to power, which is a well-established fact of history and not a claim. In the past, we sometimes spoke of these matters as conjecture and analysis; however, later numerous documents and evidence emerged, revealing that these individuals were brought to power by foreign hands. They were executors of foreign policies; for a time, they primarily executed British policies, and after the Mossadegh era, they became executors of American policies. Sometimes, they might have been displeased with the policies dictated by the Americans due to their own interests — not the interests of the nation — but ultimately, they were the executors of their policies; there was no alternative. The government was determined by them, and prime ministers had to be approved by them. Sometimes, to keep the Shah in check and prevent him from thinking of rebellion, they imposed a prime minister on him with whom he had little rapport, which happened repeatedly; that is, they would insist that someone he did not favor should be prime minister, and he had to comply and act accordingly. The country was thus under the control of foreign powers and American policies. This was not limited to oil policies; in all aspects of the country, their policies prevailed and were implemented; whether in oil matters, in the industrialization of the country, or in foreign policy and positioning against countries worldwide. If someone among the government officials ever thought of relying on another power — for instance, the Eastern bloc at that time, or another power — if the Americans understood and knew this, they would either remove him from power or somehow return him to the center they desired. Thus, there was a competition among powers to see which one could exert more influence in this country; of course, the dominant power was the United States. In this context, the nation had no will, desire, or power.
The greatest calamity for a country and a nation is to be disregarded and insulted in its own home and to be humiliated. Everything follows from this: there are economic problems, cultural issues, disregard for beliefs and national ideals, and culture. These are among the results of the foreign domination over the country.
One of the most important objectives of the people's uprising and the glorious Islamic revolution was to end this domination; thus, during those days, you can observe that the slogans of the people were also directed at foreign issues, and they chanted against America, Britain, the supporters of the Shah, and against Israel. Over time, the public conscience of the people was always disturbed by foreign domination; however, this great revolution, which began by raising Islamic slogans and hoisting the flag of Islam and returning to religion and religious identity, with the clergy and esteemed scholars as its vanguards, saturated and satisfied the spirit of independence-seeking in the people. The people understood that by relying on Islam and adhering to it, they would be able to cast aside the cloak of humiliation; thus, this became one of the aspects of the struggle.
Of course, the people loved Islam. If the people exhibited self-sacrifice and altruism, it was for the sake of Islam; otherwise, if the issue were merely independence and there were no Islamic motivation, certainly these sacrifices, heroics, and great struggles would not have materialized, and it would have been uncertain where the fate of the movement would lead; thus, from the very first day, with this movement and its results and blessings — which is the Islamic Republic system — and with what they identified as the root of this movement — namely, Islamic faith and trust in God and attachment to the rule of religion — a fierce struggle began.
One should not think that this organized struggle to overthrow the Islamic Republic system is a recent phenomenon; no, from the very first moment this idea emerged — that is, from the moment they realized this system was adhering to Islam — this struggle began actively. However, the problem for our enemies has always been, and to a large extent still is, that they are unfamiliar with the issues of the Iranian nation and do not know the people. They cannot accurately discern how spiritual and Islamic thoughts affect the people. They cannot properly understand the role of the clergy, its status, and how this influence operates. Therefore, their alienation from these realities has posed problems for them, and it continues to do so today.
In these past years, they have done everything they could; actions that would be low-cost for them and would not impose heavy burdens on them while fulfilling their objectives. Truly, when one looks, one sees that they have done everything they could; from orchestrating coups, inciting elements within, launching movements against the system, raising slogans, providing financial support, and offering intellectual and software backing; they even resorted to military attacks and supported military aggressors for years.
What has recently transpired, and their return to threats of war and verbal threats, is, in one sense, a cause for optimism. It is evident that their political, security, and propaganda activities have not achieved their intended goals; otherwise, if they had been able to achieve their objectives through political and propaganda work and various news coverages and all the actions they are skilled and experienced in, they would not have resorted to costly actions; because for any government in the world, military confrontation is a very costly and dangerous endeavor. The fact that they have hardened their tone and that the President of the United States speaks against Iran, our nation, and the Islamic Republic system in this manner indicates their failure in what they sought to accomplish over many years through political, propaganda, and security methods. The aim of all this is to restore the disbanded past; to re-establish that illegitimate and hellish domination and influence over the Iranian nation and country, in accordance with the exigencies of this era. They hope that perhaps the officials of the Islamic Republic will be intimidated. They hope that perhaps divisions will arise among them; they hope that they might be able to instill doubt and uncertainty in the people.
Threats do not always mean action. One of the benefits of threats is that they may be able to intimidate the opponent, remove them from the field, and force them to surrender, or create doubt among the unified ranks of officials, or between the officials and the people, or in the hearts of the people. That is why tomorrow — that is, the 22nd of Bahman — the popular demonstrations in the movement of the Iranian nation hold extraordinary and decisive importance. I have no doubt, and by God's grace, we will witness that the people, alongside the officials, will also participate in this field — the field of presence in tomorrow's rally — with strength, unity, enthusiasm, and power, and once again deliver a blow to the enemies of Iran.
We hope that the Almighty God grants us, who have accepted responsibilities towards this nation, the awareness and vigilance to recognize the value of these people and their understanding, discernment, and actions, and to fulfill our duties towards them.
Peace be upon you and God's mercy and blessings.