Speech on the Occasion of Teacher's Day and International Workers' Day

In the Name of God, the Most Gracious, the Most Merciful

Both of today's occasions are significant and worthy of reflection for our nation; and you, dear attendees, are all part of the influential groups and sectors in the Islamic society and in the revolutionary construction of the Islamic country. I must express my gratitude and respect to the brothers and sisters who are teachers—this hardworking and sincere group—and also to the brothers and sisters who are workers—this hardworking and devoted group—and also to the brothers who are engaged in ideological and political duties in the sacred institution of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, as well as to the students and officials present in the session, especially those who have a special connection with the prominent and unforgettable martyr of the revolution (Martyr Motahhari), namely the students and scholars of the higher school and schools of Martyr Motahhari.

At the outset, let me say a word about this great martyr; because the issue of our unique philosopher and thinker—late Ayatollah Motahhari (may God's mercy be upon him)—is not merely a dry and empty memory of someone who worked hard and passed away, or worked hard and was martyred, and we must remember him and appreciate his efforts; rather, it is a matter of an intellectual movement in our society that becomes more prominent as time passes.

During the life of that martyr, those who knew him were not many, and those who were familiar with the depth of his intellectual brilliance and enlightenment were even fewer; but today, in the intellectual environment of the revolution, the intellectual movement of Martyr Motahhari is an outstanding movement. These books and discussions and speeches that this compassionate and divinely supported scholar engaged in—whether social discussions, intellectual discussions, general discussions, or specific philosophical discussions—each of them is necessary and vital for society. Of course, not everyone can benefit from these books—they have a specific level—but it is possible to make it so that all of our society and youth can benefit from these materials.

There must be intellectual work on the thoughts of Martyr Motahhari. That is, a group of researchers and those interested in scientific work should sit down and extract the views and thoughts of Martyr Motahhari in various fields. For example, from his entire works, they should extract his views on existence, on humanity, on free will, on justice, on history, on fate, on mysticism, and on the numerous and diverse topics he addressed in his discussions. If he had different views over time, for example, in one period on an issue, he had this view and then a few years later, his view changed, they should specify it in this book and work on it. This is the way to expand and advance and intellectually flourish society based on the works of Martyr Motahhari, which we hope will be done, and in the current situation, all sectors should find their responsibility in this great movement that our society is engaged in and perform it well.

On the occasion of the presence of dear teachers and educators, I say that the cultural elements of society—whoever they are, whatever they are, whether affiliated with universities, affiliated with religious seminaries, or others—must know that today the enemy has placed its greatest effort on cultural invasion. I say this as a cultural person, not as a political person.

When I look at the battlefield, I see a scene where on one side, you, the Iranian nation, who are supporters of Islam and the salvation of the oppressed and enemies of the global arrogant system, are present, and on the other side, your enemies, namely the leaders of the front of arrogance and anti-Islam, their followers, and the scoundrels who, for personal interests and carnal desires, have followed the trumpet of arrogance and the deceitful donkey, are present. Now, a battle is underway; it is no joke. The military war is over. Even if the enemy—meaning global arrogance—can, it has no problem starting a military war again; however, it is not easy for them.

Now, an intellectual, cultural, and political battle is underway. Whoever can dominate this battlefield and understand the news, have mental mastery, and take a look at the scene, it will be clear to them that now the enemy is exerting its greatest pressure through cultural means. There are not few mercenary writers and culturally bankrupt individuals who sit at the table of the corruption of arrogance—mostly and mostly abroad and a few inside the country—who take up the pen for arrogant purposes, write poetry, work, and are doing so.

A cultural battle can be answered with a similar response. Cultural work and cultural invasion cannot be answered with a gun. His gun is the pen. We say this so that the cultural officials of the country and the cultural affairs workers at every level and you dear cultural figures—whether teachers, students, clerics, and seminarians, to your students and to those who work outside this educational system of the country—feel that today, you are the soldiers of this issue and know how you will defend and what you will do.

Like a military war, eyes must be opened and the scene recognized. In a military war, too, any side that advances without reconnaissance and observation and without knowing the enemy's situation, closes its eyes, lowers its head, and moves forward, will be defeated. In a cultural war, it is the same. If you do not know that the enemy is working, or do not obey the one who knows, do not take orders from the cultural commander, or he does not use your force and does not perform the maneuver and organization correctly, defeat is behind him.

Radio, television, schools, the Ministry of Culture, newspapers, magazines, and the entire cultural structure of the country have responsibilities. You teachers, it is clear where your trench is. Your responsibility is also a very big responsibility.

The generation that did not see the corrupt and oppressive and extremely vile past regime, the generation that did not see the preliminaries of the revolution, the generation that did not see the beatings during the period of alienation, the generation that did not experience the hardship of war with their flesh and skin, comes anew under your teachers. You want to make people out of this generation who will preserve the revolution; it is a hard and big task. Give importance to this great task and appreciate it. The people should also appreciate the teachers and the workers of education and training. School officials should also understand what they have in their possession and what they are doing. People should help education and training, school building, and education both materially and spiritually, so that this battlefield and battle can be advanced.

You, the Iranian nation, you the pillars of the global Islamic revolution, you the witnessing nation—"so that you may be witnesses over the people"—who are witnesses and observers over the human society, with this heavy trust that is on your shoulders, you must be able to preserve this trust, maintain this burden, attract the eyes and hearts of all the oppressed of the world and those who are somehow wounded by the vile system of arrogance, and keep them hopeful.

Workers, too, are the same. Throughout the history of a society, there is a time and a moment when the need for an individual or a sector becomes very important and influential. That time and that moment are sometimes hard to recognize. I say, there have been few periods in the life of this nation where its need for honest, healthy, and faithful labor force has been as much as during the revolution—especially in this current period.

Thanks be to God, the workers in our country and society acted as expected of them. I have strange memories from the days of the 18th, 19th, 20th, and 21st of Bahman in the year 1357, which now is not the time to recount. Briefly, I must say, that day we realized what dangerous dream the global policies had seen for the Islamic revolution. They wanted to interpret this ominous dream through the workers, and our Muslim workers slapped them so hard that they went away and did not return. I observed this closely with my own eyes; it is not a narrative.

On the day when the faded and decayed flag of Marxist atheistic thoughts—which, thanks be to God, today the world is relieved from the evil of these satanic thoughts—had not completely fallen and collapsed like today, the leftist and affiliated groups made great efforts to use the workers. On one hand, they acted very insidiously, and on the other hand, the remnants and leftovers of the tyrannical regime still existed to some extent.

Our workers did two things that are memorable in our history. One is that they did not let the wheel of the workshop stop turning; as much as possible. Now, where the relevant officials could not provide facilities and raw materials, it is not a discussion; but as far as there were raw materials, machines, tools, and workers, the worker did not let the work be hindered.

In these eleven years, we did not have a labor issue—in the sense that the enemy wanted. This was due to the faith and love of the workers for Islam and the revolution and due to their sincere devotion to the great Imam, whom the workers and other sectors truly loved from the depths of their hearts, that celestial and divine man, and did not want to upset him. This love and faith caused this movement to take place.

The second task was presence on the battlefield. The hardest defense was done by the workers—whether urban workers or rural workers. In this great mobilization of people for the fronts, mostly these lower classes and the deprived of society, including the working classes, who formed a vast majority, were present. That is, besides the economic battle, they also engaged in military battle. This is very valuable; preserve it. A sentence that the Imam (may his soul be sanctified) repeatedly said, which was repeatedly experienced in these eleven years. The Imam always repeated this meaning that this revolution and this system are indebted to the barefooted and the force that will preserve it is these barefooted and deprived classes of society.

During the corrupt and oppressive Pahlavi regime, corruption was spread by the affluent, painless classes, corrupt capitalists, those who relied on money obtained through illegitimate means and political collusion and corruption in practice. They caused that regime to fall because the vile Pahlavi regime relied on them. This system was created and supported and defended by the deprived and middle classes—who mostly form the believers. They are loyal and the supporters of this system are also them. Therefore, this system, with the support of this vast mass of faithful people, is lasting, stable, and enduring.

I advise the workers that wherever they are engaged in work—large workshops, small workshops, manual work, large mechanical work, agricultural and rural work—consider these days as days of work, consider this period as a period of serious work, and consider work as worship. This work that you do for the development and progress of the country is a definite worship. I also advise the officials to respect the working, deprived, and oppressed classes and these faithful people; pay attention to them in laws, in administrative referrals, and in various other referrals they have with government agencies.

The policy of running the country should be in the direction of benefiting the deprived classes and alleviating their deprivation; as it is. Thanks be to God, these economic policies that the government is pursuing today, and I know these policies and know what they are doing, are in the direction of serving the deprived. From various sectors, cooperation should be done, God willing, so that the country can meet the needs of the deprived.

A short sentence about the ideological and political brothers. That sentence is that the ideological and political brothers who are serving in the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps should consider this work very important; because the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps is a strong pillar and a firm base of defense of the revolution and, as our dear Imam (may his soul be sanctified) expressed, one of the two powerful armed arms of the Islamic Republic. He raised his two arms like this and said to me: one arm is the army; one arm is the Guard.

The strength of the Guard is in the revolutionary spirit and faith of these enthusiastic and faithful young people. This faith must be preserved, strengthened, and accompanied by insight and intellectual depth. This work that the ideological and political does is a very important duty. The officials of the Guard should cooperate so that these brothers can perform this duty well, and God willing, the good and welfare of this work will return to the revolution and the country.

And as for the issue that is currently being discussed among some thinkers and intellectuals, whether to negotiate or not to negotiate. Some say one thing, others say another. These write something, those write something else. Regarding this subject, I must say a short sentence benevolently and compassionately. Before that, I should also point out that I am not worried about someone expressing their political opinion. As long as there is no lie, slander, sedition, or deception in an opinion, there is no problem. Yes, if there is a lie, slander, deception, we as officials should not allow someone to come and deceive the people or lie to them. But where there is no lie, slander, deception, or insult to anyone, what is the problem with everyone expressing their opinion?

I want to advise writers, intellectuals, pen-holders, and tribune holders not to be disturbed by opposing words. Why should we be disturbed? We have logic and reasoning. Our words are not only acceptable to our own nation but also to hundreds of millions of Muslims and non-Muslims in the world. Why should we, when we have logical words, show disturbance and anxiety when someone says something? Yes, not every word should be left unanswered. If it is wrong, it should be answered; however, the path of politeness should not be deviated from.

And as for negotiation. I believe that those who think we should negotiate with the head of arrogance—meaning America—are either naive or intimidated. I have repeatedly stated that arrogance, more than living off its power and ability, lives off its awe and intimidation. Arrogance is alive by intimidating and scaring this and that.

Now America talks to third world nations—even recently, to wealthy and strong nations—as if if it does not want, they cannot breathe! Today, America talks to the Soviet Union and Europe in this way; with third world countries in Africa and Asia, it is even more so. Unfortunately, the leaders of these countries believe it; whereas if ten countries from the poor countries of the world—I am not saying all countries, or wealthy countries—come together and decide not to fear America, not to have anything to do with it, not to pay tribute to it, not to allow it to use them strategically, militarily, and economically; not only America, but the arrogant wing of the world can be forced to retreat.

The clear reason for this is that wherever in poor countries a revolution emerged and a government came to power that did not want to pay tribute to America, America concentrated all its forces to defeat and eliminate that government and bring a government that supports it. Why? Because they are afraid and know that with a revolutionary government—even in Latin America or at the end of Africa—they cannot secure their interests and do what they want.

In Nicaragua, a government came to power. This country, despite being very poor and small and having a small population and very weak financial resources, nevertheless, America gave so much money to their counter-revolutionaries and exerted pressure from all sides that it forced them to step down from the government. Those poor people also did not have strong popular and faith-based foundations, they did not have the power to resist, and from the beginning, they had brought themselves up relying on another place. Therefore, they could not and stepped aside.

If America is not afraid of revolutionary governments and their resistance is not an impenetrable resistance for it, why does it want to overthrow them?! If it does not need them, if a revolutionary government comes to power somewhere, America should say we cut off relations with you and do not help you. Why do they conspire to eliminate it? Because they know that if it is in power, they can no longer secure their interests and impose their will there. So, even a revolutionary government can push back or stop America to the extent of its radius. They are not as invincible as they pretend.

Another clear reason that America does not have the power it claims and its awe—which scares weak people—is much greater than its real power is that in many places they want to exert power and force, but they are unable. Why? Because where they could, they did, and that is Panama. If America could do what it did in Panama in other revolutionary countries, in the same Cuba that it is so upset and angry about, it would have done it; so it cannot. If it could do this in other countries in that region or in other regions that oppose America's policy, it would have done it; because it did it in Panama.

These are not concerned with human issues. The American government is not concerned with international laws. They do not respect the rights of nations. When they can, they enter a country and without regard to the rights of that nation, destroy its government and state. They also took that individual and took him to their country and imprisoned him. Wherever they can, they do the same. Where they do not, they cannot. This is the reality of their power.

The clear example is our own revolutionary country. They wanted to launch a military attack, but they could not. Do you remember the Tabas incident? So they came, but they could not. If they could, they would have come ten more times; they could not, so they did not come, they did not have the power, they knew they would be defeated. When they thought they could, they did not consider that this was against the rights of the Iranian nation and against international contracts and norms for someone to come from that side of the world to this side and enter the borders of a country with helicopters and planes. That former ignorant thought he could; that is why he came, then saw he could not and was defeated. If he could, he would have come again; but he could not. There is no doubt that in these eleven years, if America could have destroyed the Islamic Republic system, it would have; but it could not. This is the meaning of the statement that the Imam said and with the same expression of the Imam it is correct that: "America cannot do a damn thing."

This is from one side of the issue. From the positive side, being intimidated by America's capabilities and powers is a very wrong thing. There are many countries that are dependent on America and have dealings with it; their leaders are friends of America and in those countries, the slightest insult to America is not allowed. What did America do for those countries? Which of their problems did it solve? Which blind spot of their lives did it open? Which wealth did it pour over their heads? Which good did it send their way? Why are you intimidated by America's capabilities?

On the contrary, those countries that left the door open for this treacherous thief, he entered and took everything. If he gave credit, it was to go to his markets with that credit and pay double the price, buy goods, so that his factories would run. If he gave loans, it was to go and buy his or his allies' products with that loan. If he gave weapons, it was to defend against his enemies—not their own enemies—with those weapons. An example is our past regime.

It is not that if America is bad with a country, that country can no longer breathe in the world, and if it is good, that country can rest assured. The Americans themselves advertise and pretend that if a country is bad with them, all roads will be closed to it. No, it is not like that. For eleven years, the slogan "Death to America" has not fallen from the mouths of our people, and the roads have not been closed to us. If we made efforts and endeavored, we were able to open our own way. Is the world owned by America?! These arrogant, corrupt bullies who claim ownership of the world, who are they? They are wrong. If they are friends with a people, they become the cause of misery and disgrace for that nation.

This was an explanation of the issue of being intimidated, and as for the issue of naivety and negotiation. What does negotiation mean? Just going and sitting down with America and talking and negotiating, will the problems be solved? It is not like that. Negotiation in political terms means a deal. Negotiation with America means a deal with America. A deal means give and take; it means take something, give something. What do you want to give to America from the Islamic revolution to take something from it? What do you want to give to America to get something in return? What can we give to America? What does it want from us? Do you know what it wants? "And they resented them only because they believed in Allah, the Exalted in Might, the Praiseworthy." By God, America is not as upset with anything from the Iranian nation as it is with being Muslim and adhering to pure Muhammadan Islam. It wants you to give up this adherence. It wants you not to have this raised and proud neck; are you ready?

They say come and negotiate with the hostages. This is also naivety. We, of course, announced from the beginning that we are willing, as much as we have the power, to help free the hostages. We are not the owners of the hostage-takers. They are oppressed and oppressed people who, for various reasons, have the hostages in their possession. As far as our principles do not have a problem and our words have sharpness, we have no problem helping; but not for America's sake, but for the sake of duty, for the sake of humanity, and for the sake of principles. These are our principles; who is America? Are we doing this for America's sake? Now suppose someone came and did this for America's sake; what answer will America give?

In the telexes of just yesterday and the day before, we read that on one side, Bush thanked Syria for its help in freeing the hostages, and on the other side, the American government warned Syria, or as they put it, warned them that you should not think that just freeing these hostages is enough for normalizing your relations with America; you must reconsider your policies! Then they mentioned that you should reconsider the policies related to the Arab-Israeli war; meaning enter the Camp David agreement!

Shame on the nation and government that goes under such impositions of America. America's expectations of those in whom it feels a little weakness are like this. It explicitly says that you must reconsider your policies—the policies of the Arab-Israeli war! What naivety it is for some to say let's go to the negotiating table with an arrogant and unprincipled device and sit down. The Americans do not believe in principles and international rights.

The American government is the same government whose criminal officer ordered the shooting, fired a missile, shot down a passenger plane with hundreds of people into the sea, and destroyed men, women, young and old, and the American government did not prosecute this officer and I heard that the current president of America awarded that officer a medal of merit! This is how they are. What are you saying? Do they believe in international rights? Do they believe in human rights? No. I am against negotiating with America and the government of the Islamic Republic, without my permission, cannot do such a thing and they themselves are not in favor of such a thing.

Some say, active diplomacy. Yes, we believe in active diplomacy. We believe that our Ministry of Foreign Affairs should be active in the world—except for these few cases that we have excluded. Of course, we have repeatedly said that they should observe dignity, wisdom, and expediency. They should go and have relations with all governments, different systems, different beliefs, different methods; there is no problem, but there is a forbidden zone that they should not exceed.

Europe is an example. Imam (may God's mercy be upon him) allowed relations with European governments and our Ministry of Foreign Affairs was very active. Now I ask, really, despite the fact that we had friendly relations and trade with many Western European governments and were not in a state of severed relations, did they treat the Islamic Republic as expected? No, they are even weaker than America. We saw this reality in various cases. They showed their opposing nature with the Islamic Republic and with Islam. The issue is the issue of Islam.

For the world to take you into account, you must strengthen yourself. For the world to be forced to maintain your dignity and honor, you must rely on yourself and develop your inherent forces—scientific power, economic power, labor power, and military defense power. If a nation becomes strong and united, if a nation relies on God and does not fear the devils, that nation will even force its enemies to respect it; as today, thanks be to God, despite all the nonsense that sometimes the media affiliated with arrogance say about the Iranian nation and the Islamic system, all the nations that know Iran and our nation respect you, the Iranian nation. We have seen this up close.

The Iranian nation, due to self-reliance, even in the eyes of its enemies, has greatness. Preserve your self-reliance, do not fear the enemy, do not be intimidated by America's insane clamor, maintain your unity—I especially emphasize maintaining this unity—and stand behind your government. If someone listens to the enemy's propaganda, they will see that today their greatest emphasis is on these two points: division and economic issues. They constantly say there is division, so that if someone listens, even if they do not see any division, they will say there must be something that they say! On the other hand, they constantly suggest that Iran's financial situation is backward and such and such; whereas this is contrary to reality. Of course, we currently have problems that we are progressing towards solving. Eight years of war, is it a joke?

A few years ago, on an occasion, I said in a television talk that after the war period (in the years 1320)—when I was very young, but I vaguely remember—even though there was no war in Iran at that time, but there was war in the world and it had nothing to do with Iran, but the wind of war that hit Iran, for a long time wheat bread was not available! We ate barley bread at home; wheat bread was not available for people to eat. People lived in the most severe conditions. Sugar and tea were not available for people to drink their tea with.

Today, thanks be to God, we endured eight years of war and do not have such problems. This is because the nation is behind the government; because the nation is awake; because the country's officials are caring and interested. Continue on this path. By the grace of the Lord and relying on the sincere forces of this society, the problems will be solved and the eyes of the enemies will be blinded. We have no need for our sworn enemies—like America—to feel sorry for us and we are not at all seeking negotiation and relations with them.

Peace be upon you and God's mercy and blessings